almandoz-urbanismo

Almandoz: The Emergence of Modern Town Town Plan...

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Artikkelit Joulukuu 1/2003 Arturo Art uro Almand Alm andoz oz

The Emergence of Modern Town Planning in Latin America – after a Historiographic Historiographic Review Paper presented in Finnish research seminar on Latin America, Helsinki 22.5. 2003.

See: http://www.helsinki.fi/hum/ibero/simposio/2003index.html Dr.. Arturo Almandoz, Departamento de Planificación Urbana, Dr Universidad Simón Bolívar, Bolívar, Caracas. 1. This lecture is focused on the emergence of “modern” town

planning – namely on the modernity that was initiated in Latin America with the transformation of the former colonial city, city, in the midst of projects of progress and civilization undertaken by the emerging republics since the mid-nineteenth century. century. In this respect, it is obvious, on the one hand, that the patterns of Pre-Columbian and Colonial urbanism are not to be considered here, though some of the historiographic references to be mentioned may include those previous periods. On the other hand, I intend to cover until the moment of appearance of the institutional platforms of technical planning; this moment coincided with the arrival of functional urbanism, which in several cases took place through the growing presence of American influence throughout the region, re gion, especially after World War War II. So - according to the request by the symposium's organizers – the span of this lecture is basically the same the book that I edited last year, Planning year, Planning Latin America's Capital Cities, 1850-1950, 1850-1950,1whose introductory chapters provide the material for the review offered in the second part of this lecture. However, However, considering that this meeting of specialists about Latin America not only gathers planners, I have thought it might be interesting to frame the above-referred approach to planning 1 of 33

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within a brief historiographic review at the beginning, which results from my current post-doctoral research about the emergence of Latin America's urban historiography from the 1960s.2 The catalogue of sources to be mentioned in the first part is, to a great extent, the basis of the approach to be given in the second, what help us to understand the apparent reversal rever sal in the title of this lecture. In this respect, it must be said that, since I am stressing the planning historiography, historiography, namely town planning as a discipline, Latin America's urban historiography as such – understanding the latter as the one dealing with the city and urbanization – will not be considered here. Though the references of both planning and urban historiography sometimes coincide, the latter would demand a different treatment. So I apologize in advance for the possible omissions of authors and works that, according to that distinction, end up being more associated with the urban historiography, historiography, and therefore, are not to be mentioned here. Historiographic remarks: from travellers to microhistory 2. Perhaps with the outstanding exception of Lewis Mumford,

American and British authors have been less influential on Latin America's urban historiography than their French or Italian colleagues. This is for me another confirmation of a traditional gap, still evident nowadays, between the academic production in English and Spanish. From the perspective of general works, this breach was overcome only by the Argentine Jorge Hardoy. Hardoy. It can be said that Latin America's planning historiography has been closer to the interpretation, models and categories provided by French, Italian or Spanish historians, what signals a gravitation around continental Europe that, according to the experts, has also happened in other fields of economic and social historiography. historiography.3 Besides the fact that works by Leonardo Benevolo, Françoise Choay and Paolo Sica were early translated into Spanish, the attachment to Latin historiography may have to do with Benevolo's specific recognition of the new Latin American cities as a feature of the architectural and urban culture of the Cinquecento. Cinquecento.4 Also with the inclusion of chapters or special treatments about the Latin American cities in general histories written by Sica or Chueca, what has been done in English only in the last edition of A.E.J. Morris's classic about the urban form before the Industrial Revolution.5 If we look to another dimension of the historiography, historiography, the one 2 of 33

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within a brief historiographic review at the beginning, which results from my current post-doctoral research about the emergence of Latin America's urban historiography from the 1960s.2 The catalogue of sources to be mentioned in the first part is, to a great extent, the basis of the approach to be given in the second, what help us to understand the apparent reversal rever sal in the title of this lecture. In this respect, it must be said that, since I am stressing the planning historiography, historiography, namely town planning as a discipline, Latin America's urban historiography as such – understanding the latter as the one dealing with the city and urbanization – will not be considered here. Though the references of both planning and urban historiography sometimes coincide, the latter would demand a different treatment. So I apologize in advance for the possible omissions of authors and works that, according to that distinction, end up being more associated with the urban historiography, historiography, and therefore, are not to be mentioned here. Historiographic remarks: from travellers to microhistory 2. Perhaps with the outstanding exception of Lewis Mumford,

American and British authors have been less influential on Latin America's urban historiography than their French or Italian colleagues. This is for me another confirmation of a traditional gap, still evident nowadays, between the academic production in English and Spanish. From the perspective of general works, this breach was overcome only by the Argentine Jorge Hardoy. Hardoy. It can be said that Latin America's planning historiography has been closer to the interpretation, models and categories provided by French, Italian or Spanish historians, what signals a gravitation around continental Europe that, according to the experts, has also happened in other fields of economic and social historiography. historiography.3 Besides the fact that works by Leonardo Benevolo, Françoise Choay and Paolo Sica were early translated into Spanish, the attachment to Latin historiography may have to do with Benevolo's specific recognition of the new Latin American cities as a feature of the architectural and urban culture of the Cinquecento. Cinquecento.4 Also with the inclusion of chapters or special treatments about the Latin American cities in general histories written by Sica or Chueca, what has been done in English only in the last edition of A.E.J. Morris's classic about the urban form before the Industrial Revolution.5 If we look to another dimension of the historiography, historiography, the one 2 of 33

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related to the teaching of urban history in Latin America, it can be singled out Karl Brunner's Manual Brunner's Manual de Urbanismo, Urbanismo, published in Bogota by the late-1930s. This well-known textbook offered offere d a historical review of practical solutions that the emerging planning was giving to the functional problems of world metropolises, with lots of examples drawn from Latin America's changing cities. 6 From a more prospective than historical perspective, it can also be pointed out the seminal book by Francis Violich, who in Cities of Latin America. Housing and Planning to the South (1944) South (1944) – published after a long journey throughout the continent - offered one of the first comparative panoramas of the emerging discipline in the professional milieux the Berkeley planner was in contact with.7 Invited by his disciple, the Argentine urbanist Carlos María della Paolera, Marcel Poëte's visit for launching the “Curso Superior de Urbanismo” (Advanced Course of Planning) at the University of Buenos Aires, was to influence the evolutionist orientation of the teaching of history, history, inspired on the Institut de Urbanisme the French historian came from. Also Gaston Bardet visited the Argentine capital in 1949, though he was devoted to teaching more instrumental than historical courses.8 By that time, the architect and historian also lectured in Belo Horizonte, where the father Joseph Lebret had been in 1946, promoting his Economy and Humanism Movement.9 Meanwhile, Hannes Meyer's “hard” and leftist rationalism was introduced in Mexico during the Swiss architect's visit after an invitation by President Lázaro Cárdenas.10 3. By the mid-1950s, the reform in the teaching of planning,

among other disciplines, became an important reference at Argentina's National University of Rosario, where professionals from Buenos Aires were called upon. Among them were consolidated figures of architectural and urban historiography, historiography, such as Francisco Bullrich and Jorge Enrique Hardoy, Hardoy, who on this occasion were approached by a younger generation of scholars, including Roberto Segre.11 It is noteworthy that the urbanism chair at Rosario's Universidad del Litoral had been promoted since 1929 by Carlos della Paolera, who from 1933 took over the same chair at the University of Buenos Aires.12 Reviews of the origins of urbanism were included in treatises of the discipline published in the 1960s by the Peruvian Emilio Harth-terré and the Argentine Patricio Randle.13 While the former focused on drawing the epistemology of urbanism from preceding disciplines, what led him to a more mor e philosophical than historical report, the latter went beyond the review, in order to establish his 3 of 33

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Almandoz: The Emergence of Modern Town Plan...

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own historiographic search, both in urban and planning terms. Inspired on Oswald Spengler's vitalism and on Henri Bergson's evolutionism, Randle's “evolución urbanística” (planning evolution) was illustrated through “mentors” such as Patrick Geddes, Marcel Poëte, Lewis Mumford and Gaston Bardet.14 Even though the Argentine Jorge Hardoy can be regarded as the leading figure of Latin America's urban historiography since the 1960s, when he published the classic Las ciudades precolombinas (1964),15 his production during this period, I believe, was rather focused on the typology of cities and the process of urbanization. If we look for general histories of the discipline, it was Roberto Segre who undertook the difficult task – the sole attempt in Latin America, as far as I know – of reconstructing the emergence of planning during the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, in the context of developed countries. On the basis of the “main interpretative stock of the Modern Movement”, where he grouped planning historians such as Benevolo, Sica and Ragon, and especially in the latter's way, the Argentine/Cuban architect combined today's blurred blocs of socialist and capitalist countries, putting them in relation with a well-balanced matrix of architecture and urbanism, though recognizing the primacy given to the former's “aesthetic and symbolic values”. Another peculiarity of Segre's approach within Latin American historiography, at least during that period, was the Marxist position that, by contrast to treatises “supposedly 'neutral'” yet laden with capitalist ideology, led him to adopting a “scientific approach” for studying the “urban structures” of nineteenth and twentieth century modernism, from the architectural to the planning scales.16 In this respect, Segre was one of the few scholars that took the so-called Theory of Dependence to the domain of planning history; this theoretical approach, so influential in Latin America's social sciences until the 1980s, had traditionally been more linked to historical studies of the urbanization process, as in the case of Castells and Rofman, or to the historic role of cities, as in Quijano and Kaplan.17 4. As to the general histories of Latin American planning, besides

Hardoy's chapters in some of the collective works he edited, I believe that Gutiérrez's and Segre's books stand out as the great treatises produced within the region.18 In both of them, the incipient historiography of urbanism is alternated with the more-established periodization of architectural history. This does not overshadow the importance, though, of significant compilations published in Spain by Gabriel Alomar and Antonio 4 of 33

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Bonet Correa.19 Even though the reference of the several studies about pre-republican urbanism, including the countless case studies, is far beyond the limits and aim of this lecture, it is worth mentioning some examples based on the planning approach. Thus for instance the recent publications of Eugenio García Zarza, Francisco de Solano and Allan Brewer-Carías about the Laws of Indies and its derivative typologies;20 Rodríguez Alpuche's book about the indigenous and colonial urbanism in Mexico; the article by Gasparini and Margolies about Incan urbanism; Gutiérrez's compilation about the indigenous settlements in the Andes; Rojas-Mix's book about the Plaza Mayor; and the articles by de Solano and Zawisza about the typologies of colonial urbanism on a continental level.21 Concerning the republican period, after the historiografic review that I tried to do in the recent book about Latin America's capitals during the century that can be said of European-inspired academicism,22 I believe that this is a period of great interest that has been approached in a piecemeal and casuistic way. In addition to the respective chapters in the above-referred works of Gutiérrez and Segre, the territorial and economic bases of nineteenth-century planning were identified by Morse.23 In another brief yet panoramic text, Hardoy combined the analysis of urban growth with the foreign influences that inspired the development of Latin America's great cities in the nineteenth century.24 This aspect would be elaborated by the Argentine architect in another article about the transference of planning ideas from Europe from 1870s through the 1930s, and the peculiar way how they were applied to some Latin American capitals. Later translated into English, this text can be said to have been seminal, since not only introduced one of the big issues of today's urban historiography into the region, but also inspired a series of studies that seemed to have developed its guidelines in relation to different figures and case studies.25 Thus for instance, along this direction, the architectural, landscape and planning proposals elaborated for different Latin American cities by figures such as Jean-Claude Nicholas Forestier, Le Corbusier, Karl Brunner and other pioneers, have been revisited in comparative studies compiled in books and journals during the 1990s.26 There are also studies about the emergence of professional urbanism in national contexts after the late-nineteenth-century changes, having in this sense references of Argentina, Brazil and Venezuela.27 It is noteworthy the question of the transfer of urban and planning

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culture, which has been studied in detail for cities such as Buenos Aires; Rio, São Paulo and Salvador de Bahía, in Brasil;28 Havana, Caracas, Lima and San José de Costa Rica, among others. 29 However, from a continental and comparative perspective, there only exist the above-mentioned text by Hardoy, followed by a brief one by Gutiérrez; and the one that I have elaborated for the period of the emergence of technical urbanism, in the midst of a European ethos.30 It is present, in the latter, the question of modernity, through both its academic and functional, European and North American paradigms. The urban modernity has also been traced through different artistic and representational discourses for the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, as well as for the process of social change and administrative reforms.31 However, it is my impression that the subject of transfer and diffusion of planning models from metropolitan poles to colonies or culturally-dependent countries, as it has been developed in the British historiography by Peter Hall, Stephen Ward or Anthony D. King, has not been so evident in the approach to planning import in Latin America's case studies.32 5. The trends towards the “new history” and the microhistory

explain to some extent the seeming fragmentation of works on urban and planning history in the last decade, what mirrors the abandonment of the interpretations based on principles inspired on Weber, Marx or the School of Annals, applied to broad historical periods and/or geographical blocs. To this apparent dispersion has contributed the diversity of theoretical sources of end-of-the-century trends, including Peter Burke's new cultural history, Henri Lefebvre's view of production and representation of the urban space, jointly with epistemological aspects borrowed from Michel de Certeau, Jürgen Habermas, Pierre Bordieu and David Harvey. Notwithstanding the epistemological fragmentation, after more than a decade of historiographic development of the field, Nancy Stieber – in a recent article about the “Microhistory of the Modern City” - is optimistic about superceding and synthetising the scattered casuistry of microhistory: “We have reached the stage where we can expect an increasing harvest from the cross-fertilization that has already taken place and can perhaps even anticipate a future in which comparative studies bring into focus generalizing conceptual tools so that we can talk of the history of urbanism on the large scale again”. In the case of Latin America, the development of what can be called the urban cultural history , closely linked to the micro6 of 33

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history, was announced from the 1970s by a group of authors and works that would become emblematic, not only for their renewal of the scope of the studies, but also for the selection of sources and their intertwining for the registration of urban processes. Among others, I can singled out Morse's essay about the intellectuals and the Latin American city; Hardoy's texts about the urban transfer from the late nineteenth century until the beginning of the twentieth; José Luis Romero's book about Latin America: las ciudades y las ideas (1976), followed by Angel Rama's La ciudad letrada (1984); both classics call upon the humanities discourse in order to trace the changes of Latin America's modern civility, from the standpoint of urban history in Romero's case, and from literary criticism in Rama's. Combined with the international trends in micro-history and cultural studies, the above-mentioned works have produced a harvest of new approaches to the history of modern urbanism in different case studies and specific periods of Latin America. Without trying to give an exhaustive list, I want to mention Jeffrey Needell's study about Belle-Époque Río de Janeiro, focused on the urban institutions of the carioca elite and its new forms of sociability. There is also Adrián Gorelik's superb book on the Buenos Aires that became metropolis, in which the grilla (grid), the park and the suburb, among others, are conceived as “figures of culture” and “material artefacts” that allow the author to review a series of proposals of urban renewal and expansion; for that purpose, technical literature of the emerging urbanism is combined with diverse discourses of representation, including the tango and Jorge Luis Borges's poems. I have attempted a similar review for the case of Caracas between 1870 and 1940, interweaving specialized sources from the legal and technical domain, with discourses unexplored by Venezuela's urban historiography, such as travel chronicle and novels staged in the city. The anticipation of the discipline through the changes in the public spaces coming from the colonial city – Plaza Mayor and walls – as well as the incipient concern for hygiene that tried to counteract the overcrowding, were the cornerstones for Gabriel Ramón's reconstruction of the urban surgery and administrative reforms of nineteenth-century Lima. For the case of San José de Costa Rica, Florencia Quesada has also revisited the bourgeois culture through the Europeanized area of Amón at the turn of the twentieth century; municipal archives and real state registries are combined there with the orality of former dwellers and photographs of San José families, in order to produce an elaborate example the new urban cultural history in Latin America. 7 of 33

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With this comment on micro-history and urban cultural history, I just want to point out that planning historiography must be open to new scopes, methods, sources and styles of writing, in which urbanism as an emerging discipline is interwoven with diverse historic conditions and discourses, in order to build up a field of seeming “epistemological dispersion”, as Foucault would say. From that field we can get, though, an urbanism of wider, stronger and richer bases. Three moments of the emergence of Latin American urbanism 6. On the basis of the economic, cultural and urban factors that

shaped the dependence of Latin America from 1850 to 1950, it is possible to distinguish three phases that can help us to understand the changes in urbanism during that period: (a) the second half of the nineteenth century, which put an end to the colonial city, in the midst of urban reforms fuelled by the increase of European capital; (b) the prolonged Belle Époque that served as a stage for displaying the cultural predominance of Europe, in spite of its diminished position in political and economic terms, specially after World War I; (c) the Americanization and urbanization of Latin America from the 1930s, during which phase Europe maintained a predominance in the domain of its urban models until the end of World War II. Each one of these phases represented a change in the economic, political and intellectual climate of most of Latin America. Let us try below to characterize some planning traditions, ideas and models that dominated en each phase, so that we can provide a general context that help us to understand – beyond this lecture the natural complexity and peculiarity of each national and urban case. Creole Haussmanns 7. Following the urban revival fuelled by the penetration of

European investment, by the second half of the nineteenth century Haussmann's grandstravaux in Paris became the main symbol of modernization imported by some Latin American capitals during their republican consolidation. Eager to participate in the capitalist-industrialist order epitomized by Haussmannic urbanism, independent Latin America became a devotee of what was seen culturally as a French product par excellence. 8 of 33

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According to Sica – one of the few European historians to refer to this transfer – at least two consecutive yet different waves of 'Haussmannization' in post-colonial Latin America can be distinguished. The first led to the 'systematization' of the urban structure of the capitals, which basically took place within their colonial-era boundaries during the second half of the nineteenth century. Although the results were not comparable with the unique achievement of Paris, Haussmannesque boulevards and avenues were superimposed on the colonial layout. The second wave included the urban renewal and enlargement of Latin capitals up to World War II, always with a degree of reference to the Haussmannic model. Epitomizing at the same time the metropolitan myth imported from industrializing Europe, the Haussmannic example was used by local elites to demonstrate the cultural transformation of their post-colonial towns into bourgeois cities. This transformation was obviously more conspicuous in the capitals of expanding economies – Argentina, Chile, Brazil - where a mature bourgeoisie was emerging on the basis of the activities linked to the export sector. Turning our attention now to the first of Sica's waves. Haussmann's main contributions to the biggest Latin capitals have been traced to the baroque lines of new neighbourhoods, as well as to the huge public parks and tree-lined avenues. Although the French genealogy of some of these designs is reviewed in the city case study chapters, the following are traditional examples of Hausmannesque works: the Paseo de la Reforma in Mexico City, said to be the first copy of a Parisian boulevard in the New World; the Parque de Palermo and the Avenida de Mayo in Buenos Aires; the Paseo del Prado and the Avenida Agraciada in Montevideo; the Parque Forestal and the Santa Lucía hill in Santiago; and the Guzmán Blanco boulevard and Paseo El Calvario in Caracas. The rulers of some cities were compared to the Prefect of the Seine, what allow us to see them as Creole Haussmanns. Torcuato de Alvear, mayor of Buenos Aires (1883–1886), became known in his own time as the Argentine version of the Baron. Benjamín Vicuña Mackenna, mayor of Santiago, had also proposed, in the early 1870s, a transformation plan for the capital, which was influenced by Haussmann's Paris; though the plan was approved in 1892, it was not finally implemented. Guzmán Blanco's urban reforms in 1870s and 1880s Caracas were also associated with Napoleon III's grands travaux, though the ambitious principles of the Baron's urbanism were difficult to apply to the tiny capital. Having studied in Second-Empire Paris and taken part in the design of a planning scheme for Rio de Janeiro in the mid-1870s, Francisco Pereira Passos was also supposedly inspired by the 9 of 33

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Baron's ideas for the inauguration of the Avenida Central (1905) and other transformations of the 'Cidade Maravilhosa', when he became Prefect of Rio during the Presidency of Rodrigues Alves. But Haussmann's ideological presence in Latin America during the nineteenth century must not be exaggerated. In fact, the Prefect of the Seine, was rarely identified as an urban inspiration in the contemporary debate of some capitals; instead, his name appeared later, and rather as an exemplar of the centralism and power required for the transformation of big capitals. At the same time, it must be remembered that not all the Baron's principles had arrived in nineteenth-century Latin America. From the baroque lines of new avenues and the Bois-de-Boulogne-like pattern of some parks to the 'French style' of architecture, associations have been established on the grounds of the physical and symbolic apparatus of Haussmannization – a range which certainly mirrored the Prefect's morphological principles. Nevertheless, his hygienic reforms were apparently not included in the first Haussmannic portfolio of ideas that arrived in Latin America; they were to be adopted only at the end of the century, and in a different way. Nor, apparently, did Latin Americans perceive the Baron's own conception of an articulated urban surgery which assembled circulation, services and monuments – a surgery which would arrive even later, in the first decades of the twentieth century, when urban planning was maturing everywhere. Even then, Haussmannesque neo-baroque transformations were adopted for the sake of their progressive and civilized symbolism, whereby Latin American capitals not only strove to demonstrate their resemblance to the metropolises of the emerging Belle Époque, but also tried to demonstrate their rejection of the damero (checkerboard) and architectural vocabulary inherited from colonial times. The Belle-époque Reforms: Hygiene, urban design and residential expansion 8. In the midst of the intellectuals' plea for a cultural alliance with

the Old World, there were three main trends of European influence on the urban modernization of Latin American capitals: namely, sanitary reforms, proposals for urban renewal, and residential expansion. In relation to the former, it must be considered that, as industrialization was less traumatic than in Europe, sanitary concerns in nineteenth-century Latin America were less closely linked to housing problems. Building and environmental ordinances in major capitals were partly an attempt to respond to European ideas on public health. The 10 of 33

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British example was prominent: the 1848 and 1875 Acts were studied in different countries, especially in Argentina, where they apparently inspired the works and reforms of Guillermo Rawson and Samuel Gache. By the 1880s, Buenos Aires pioneered, with Montevideo, the creation of institutions specializing in hygienic research, which were followed by similar ones in Mexico City, Santiago and Lima, while proposals for working-class housing were developed by private entrepreneurs in Rio. The exchange of experiences across the Americas also played an important role in diffusing the new ideas. The 1897 and 1902 Conferencias Interamericanas (Interamerican Conferences), held in Mexico City, discussed the hygiene agenda and encouraged participants to pursue international agreements, some of which were reached in the 1905 Convención Sanitaria (Sanitary Convention). In addition, the 1898 Congress of Hygiene and Demography, which took place in Madrid, included sections on Urban Hygiene and Urban Engineering and Architecture, and represented a unique opportunity for Spanish-speaking countries to update their sanitary policies. On the basis of such events, by the turn of the century, the advanced programmes implemented in Buenos Aires, Montevideo, Rio and Havana inspired hygiene reforms in backward capitals such as Caracas and Lima. During the first decades of the twentieth century, the debate on hygiene influenced diverse proposals for urban renewal and extension for Latin American capitals, such as the razing of the Morro do Castelo by Carlos Sampaio, Prefect of Rio. There were also the 'linear proposals' for the expansion of Santiago, developed from 1909 by the Chilean engineer and architect Carlos Carvajal, on the basis of the example of Arturo Soria's 1890s Ciudad Lineal (Linear City) in Madrid. But most of the urban projects were closer to the lineage of the 'academic urbanism' represented by the École des Beaux Arts and, later on, by the Institut d'Urbanisme of the Université de Paris, whose journal La vie urbaine – published from 1919 – would become highly influential among Latin America's new generations of professionals. The centennial Independence celebrations were ideal occasions for organizing architectural competitions and inviting foreign designers to propose new public works, as was the case of Emilio Jecquier, Emilio Doyere and Ignazio Cremonesi in Santiago in the 1900s. Preparing the celebration of the centenary of Argentina's Independence in 1910, the Mayor of Buenos Aires invited Joseph Antoine Bouvard to the city in 1907. The Architect of the City of Paris – where he had organized the 1900 Exhibition – designed a web of diagonals for the transformation of central Buenos Aires, including the project for a new Plaza de Mayo that was never built. Invited while Raimundo 11 of 33

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Duprat was Prefect of São Paulo (1911–1914), Bouvard's proposals for parks for the city used the same baroque conception of monumental space, while making evident his admiration for Camillo Sitte's artistic principles. Visiting Argentina in 1924, Jean-Claude Nicholas Forestier designed the parks and open spaces for a 1925 plan for Buenos Aires, with echoes of SecondEmpire Paris. Léon Jaussely made a similar attempt in 1926, while Forestier laid out parks in Havana. The urban sprawl of residential areas made up another chapter of the urban agenda in the major capitals of Latin America. As we have already seen, the image and urban structure of the most populous cities drastically changed from the 1900s onwards: crammed since the late nineteenth century with administrative and commercial activities, the traditional centres sheltered rural and foreign immigrants attracted by incipient industrialization. The upper and middle classes now started to look for new residential locations, thus setting the direction of expansion for their capitals. The arrival of the motor car broadened the possibilities of urban expansion, up to then limited to the capitals which already had suburban railways or trams from the late nineteenth century. This is the moment when the 'garden cities' supposedly arrived. A loose use of the term has sometimes labelled as such some late nineteenth-century examples, from the first colonias of Porfirio Díaz's Mexico City, including the 1890s area of Higienópolis in São Paulo, developed by Martin Burchard and Victor Nothmann, through the urbanización El Paraíso in 1900s Caracas. Havana's Vedado has also been seen as an expression of the suburban qualities of the garden city, mixed with Frederick Law Olmsted's natural ingredients of design and Ildefonso Cerdá's combination of activities within blocks. But others claim that Howard's garden city concept 'was never transported to Latin America', which was 'attracted' instead to the ideas of the 'garden suburb' and the dormitory garden suburb for the middle and working classes respectively. Besides well-known areas such as Cerro in Havana; Palermo and Belgrano in Buenos Aires, Pocitos and Carrasco in Montevideo; Flamengo and Botafogo in Rio; late examples of this type include Mexico City's Colonia Balbuena (1933), Rio's Realengo (1942) and Buenos Aires's El Palomar in the 1940s. The only projects directly related to the English garden city principles were some of São Paulo's new areas, such as Jardin America, developed with Barry Parker's collaboration after 1915. All in all, despite its relative backwardness by comparison with the urban reforms in Britain and Germany at the turn of the century, France kept the leadership which it had gained in the 12 of 33

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nineteenth century by prolonging its influence on the academic repertoire of Latin American capitals. Although its predominance was to be toned down from the 1930s on, when new urban models were to be incorporated into the planning of the capitals, Paris was the permanent example of the Beaux-Arts rhetoric which to a great extent informed the ethos of Belle-Époque Latin America. Urban Plans and Crystallization of Urbanism 9. Population growth and urban sprawl evinced the urgency of

adopting new plans for the capitals, which were sponsored by local governments and new generations of professionals. Although many of the latter were still sent to study or train in Europe, some had graduated from the architectural faculties recently founded in local universities which, by that time, had started to offer their first courses on urban planning and design. Confirming the specialization of the discourse and the discipline that accompanied the emergence of urbanism in industrialized countries, technical journals on urban problems started to be published or were converted throughout Latin America during the first decades of the twentieth century. Among them were La Ciudad (1929) in Buenos Aires; Planificación (1927) and Casas (1935) in Mexico; Ciudad y Campo in Lima; Zig-zag and Urbanismo y Arquitectura (1939) in Chile; and Revista Técnica del Ministerio de Obras Públicas and Revista Técnica del Concejo Municipal del Distrito Federal (1939) in Caracas. The influence of European urban planners and was still evident in the widespread use of books by Marcel Poëte, Pierre Lavedan and Raymond Unwin, and others that were translated or circulated in their original versions among Latin American professionals. In addition to the Inter-American Conferences and Pan-American Congresses of Architects that took place since the 1920s, technical innovations in urbanism were exchanged at international events that, from the following decade, specialized in diverse components of the emerging field. Chile held a national congress on architecture and urbanism in 1934, and the first international Congreso de Urbanismo (Congress of Urbanism) was held in Buenos Aires in 1935; later on, the first Congreso Interamericano de Municipalidades (Inter-American Congress of Municipalities) took place in Havana in 1938, and the second in Santiago in 1941. In relation to housing, the first Congreso Panamericano de Vivienda Popular (Pan-American Congress of Low-cost Housing) also took place in Buenos Aires in 1939, and the Sixteenth International Congress on Planning and Housing was held in Mexico City in 1938. The Fifteenth International 13 of 33

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Congress of Architects held in Washington in 1939 also represented a good opportunity for Latin American professionals to update their experiences. Confirming the importance that administrative changes had for the consolidation of planning – as Sutcliffe demonstrated had happened in industrial countries before 1914 – Latin America's technical planning apparatus did not take shape until the second half of the 1920s when urban problems became a public issue. Most of the national or municipal offices of urban planning in Santiago, Montevideo, Buenos Aires, Mexico City, Rio, Lima, Bogotá and Caracas were a joint effort between local and national governments, new professional associations, and urban research centres. Some acting at the same time as administrative heads, urban designers and promoters, a new generation of indigenous urban planners and designers would emerge from these offices in charge of elaborating the first plans for the emerging metropolises, including Carlos Contreras in Mexico City, Mauricio Cravotto in Montevideo, Carlos della Paolera in Buenos Aires, Francisco Prestes Maia in São Paulo, Pedro Martínez Inclán in Havana, and Leopoldo Martínez Olavarría in Caracas. Benefiting from both the specialization and diversity of the professional milieux, other trends of European urbanism, different from those of the Beaux-Arts tradition, were incorporated into the planning agendas of the new institutions, which often involved the visit of famous urbanists as advisers for the first plans of Latin American capitals. 10. Still capitalizing on the prestige of the eclectic side of French

urbanism in Belle-Époque Latin America, conspicuous representatives of what Choay labelled the 'École Française d'Urbanisme' (EFU) were invited to participate in proposals and plans for some capitals. As already mentioned, Forestier visited Buenos Aires in 1924, when some of his ideas, inspired by the City Beautiful, were incorporated into the first 'Organic Project' elaborated by the Comisión de Estética Edilicia (Commission of Building Aesthetic), created for the Argentine capital in 1925. By then, the 'Plan para el Embellecimiento y Ensanche de La Habana' (Plan for the Beautification and Enlargement of Havana) was published and included in the Ley de Obras Públicas (Act of Public Works) issued by Gerardo Machado's new government. A team made up of French and Cuban experts framed the three main chapters of the plan, namely circulation, open spaces and the general proposal which included amongst its aims converting Havana into a sort of Nice of the Americas and a Paris of the Caribbean . . . 14 of 33

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The Beaux-Arts tradition seemed to renew and enlarge its repertoire during Léon Jaussely's visit to Montevideo in 1926, when the founder of the Sociéte Française des Urbanistes (SFU) manifested his opposition to the colonial grid and his preference for the introduction of some garden city principles in relation to urban expansion. Showing a more modernist image while in Buenos Aires, Jaussely not only spoke of the necessity of considering the future of the southern metropolis as 'a New York of South America', but also introduced zoning as a means of escaping from the centre and searching for open spaces where new buildings could be combined with parks. Jaussely's argument in the Argentine capital thus distanced itself from Beaux-Arts precepts, anticipating more functional issues that might be seen as preparing the local audience for Le Corbusier's visit in 1929. Invited by the Prefect Antonio Prado Junior to coordinate a technical team between 1926 and 1930, Donat-Alfred Agache masterminded a plan for Rio, which was a methodological model with many geographical surveys and an informative synthesis of the sprawling capital. As Margareth da Silva has pointed out, Agache saw the Brazilian metropolis as a laboratory, where he could experiment with circulation axes drawn from Eugène Hénard's proposals, as Le Corbusier would also do on his visits. From a theoretical perspective, the French edition of the plan - La rémodelation d'une capitale (1932) – claimed to combine biological concepts derived from Poëte's evolutionism with scientific methods taught at the École Supérieure d'Urbanisme. But the introduction to the plan made by the SFU's vice-president dwelt for too long upon his belief that the new discipline was also an art of embellishment, intuition and imagination – which probably prevented him from conveying a more definite message of modernity. A late example of the EFU's eclectic tradition can be seen in the first plan for Caracas (1939), drawn up by the Directorate of Urbanism of the capital's Federal District. Since the creation of the office in 1937, the team of local experts had been boosted by the advice of the Paris-based office of Henri Prost, whose junior associates, Jacques Lambert and Maurice Rotival, were sent to Caracas to coordinate the plan. The French advisers combined most of the ingredients of the EFU, which made possible the final arrival of Haussmannic surgery to the Venezuelan capital, after several decades of Frenchified aspirations in its urban culture. The example of the Prefect of the Seine was invoked many times in the so-called 'Plan Monumental de Caracas' (Monumental Plan of Caracas, 1939), whereas the example of Paris was often used to draw different conclusions about the plan's major dilemma 15 of 33

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between urban renewal or urban extension of the centre. 11. An alternative message of modernity is what South Americans

tried to get from inviting Le Corbusier to visit Buenos Aires, Montevideo, São Paulo and Rio – a tour undertaken in 1929, while the Second Congrès International d'Architecture Moderne (CIAM) took place in Frankfurt. Invited and sponsored by the Sociedad de Amigos del Arte (Society of Friends of Art) and the School of Architecture, his visit was disregarded by the Central Society of Architects and its Revista de Arquitectura. Le Corbusier criticized the colonial grid because it was not suitable for the destiny of Buenos Aires as a great city of the world. This has been interpreted as a 'syllogism' intended to justify his role as an 'architect-messiah' for the capital's transformation. The visitor presented a preconceived version of the 1925 'Plan Voisin de Paris' – which had attempted the introduction of 'a business city at the heart of town', a progressive initiative which, Le Corbusier claimed, had been rejected by Parisian academicians. But the visionary thought that the Plan Voisin could succeed in the New World; that with its massive city of towers dominating the Atlantic, the Buenos Aires of more than 3 million people could easily become 'one of the most deserving cities of the world', expected to replace the metropolitan role of New York, which had merely been 'the first gesture of contemporary civilization.' By focusing on his own visions for the Argentine capital, Le Corbusier probably tried to avoid any polemic with the proposals of Forestier and Jaussely; he was to do the same with Agache's plan for Rio, where he did not deliver a single lecture. Whereas Agache had seen the Brazilian capital as a sort of laboratory, during his visits in 1929 and 1936 Le Corbusier conceived it as a 'manifesto', where he unfolded modernist principles drawn from Hénard's proposals – as Agache had also done – while introducing elements from the 'villes radieuses' that in some way anticipated the evolution of metropolitan Rio. CIAM's legacy in Latin American capitals remained important during the 1940s, mainly through the visits of its representatives as advisers to new national or local planning bodies. In the second plan for Buenos Aires – prepared in 1939 by Argentine architects Kurchan and Ferrari and published in 1947 – the analysis of the 'cardiac system' of the inner city, including the integration of traditional avenues and new 'motorways', was complemented in the suburbs with the proposals of 'villes radieuses', satellite towns and a green belt. The application of the principles of zoning 16 of 33

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differentiated the urban areas according to their functional coherence, putting aside the predominance traditionally given to the monumental articulation of spaces and axes like the Plaza and Avenida de Mayo. Also Le Corbusier's several journeys to Bogotá crystallized in a plan in 1950. Meanwhile, the theoretical presence of CIAM would be consolidated with the Spanish edition of the Charte d'Athènes (1941), published in Argentina in 1954, and its Cuban adaptation in Martínez Inclán's Código de Urbanismo. Following his role as CIAM crusader among new generations of Cuban architects, José Luis Sert became adviser to the new Junta Nacional de Planificación (National Board of Planning) created by law in 1955 by Fulgencio Batista's dictatorship. In the 1957 master plan proposed by the Catalan urbanist, the former image of Havana as a Nice of the Caribbean was replaced by the myth of Las Vegas or Miami, aimed at creating a regional centre of tourism that included a complex of hotels, a business city in the style of Le Corbusier, and CIAM-inspired grids for the working-class residential suburbs. Sert would also be adviser to the Comisión Nacional de Urbanismo (National Commission of Urbanism) – created in Venezuela by the new junta in 1946 – which became a platform for the implementation of modern principles in housing projects and public works led by Venezuelan architect Carlos Raúl Villanueva. A belated example of this modern trend would be Lucio Costa's plan for Brasilia (1957), in which can be traced the influence of Le Corbusier and CIAM. 12. Veterans of the German-speaking world also offered to foster

the emerging urbanism of Latin America. Werner Hegemann, who was Editor of Der Städtebau, was invited to Buenos Aires in 1931, where he was hosted by 'Los Amigos de la Ciudad' (The Friends of the City), a pragmatic society which was not satisfied with either the EFU's proposals or Le Corbusier's prefabricated plans. The man responsible for Hegemann's invitation was apparently Carlos María della Paolera, an Argentinian engineer who had graduated at the Institut d'Urbanisme, was acquainted with the ideas of the Musée Social and the SFU, and also knew of Hegemann's combined scientific and humanist approach to planning. During his four months in Buenos Aires, Rosario and Mar del Plata, Hegemann tried to be tactful in relation to proposals by former visitors, while focusing on the unique aspects of the Argentine context. In his first lecture on 18 September 1931, he criticized the densities allowed by the urban regulations of Buenos Aires, one of the causes of its shortage of public spaces. His reappraisal of the colonial damero (grid plan) was understood as a subtle 17 of 33

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criticism of Bouvard's Haussmannesque diagonals, while his new 'Plano Regulador ' (Master Plan) was a more comprehensive instrument than Le Corbusier's architectural sketches. The use of the system of parks as a structural element – not as a feature of urban design – has been interpreted as a hidden allusion and a shift in relation to the greenery of Bouvard and Forestier. Karl Brunner was another representative of what has been labelled 'Austrian-German rationalism' in Latin America, where he came to represent the last descendant of that national lineage that dated back to Sitte and Wagner. In view of the Chilean capital's lack of urban spaces and landmarks, Brunner's 1933 plan for Santiago proposed 'to architecturalize' the space and to configure new centres and axes, while open spaces were given great importance in shaping the city. In addition to his achievement in securing the approval of his plan in 1939, throughout the 1930s Brunner contributed to the consolidation of urban planning in Chile, by advising institutions and organizing events that underpinned what probably was Latin America's best professional platform, whose administrative roots dated back to the nineteenth century. During the same decade, Brunner masterminded both the municipal office and plan for Bogotá, where he had translated his Manual de Urbanismo (1939) – a well-known textbook among Latin American planners by those years. Having jumped from 100,000 inhabitants in 1900 to 300,000 in 1930, Bogotá sprawled with morphological voids and functional problems among different areas, which is why Brunner decided to introduce connections between the traditional centre, the nineteenth-century expansion and the suburban growth of the twentieth. In a 1940s proposal, he completed this task of patching and connecting the fragments of the urban structure, by introducing an alternative axis that connected the core of the city with the satellite town of El Salitre. In 1941 Brunner also drew up a plan for Panama City. 13. When celebrating, in a special issue of

L'Architectured'Aujourd´hui, the twenty years of the ' Loi Cornudet', which since 1919 had turned planning into a statutory activity in France, Marcel Poëte regretted the political circumstances which had caused his country's urbanism to lag 'behind other European countries'; still, the urban historian and urbanist looked with great hope at the potential task of fellow countrymen who intended 'to carry out abroad what they cannot do at home.' Invoking the 'universal quality' of the French spirit hinted at by Pascal in the seventeenth century, Poëte tried to convey to the French urbanist how his work around the world 18 of 33

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should be performed 'in accordance with the genius of his country'. Some years later, Gaston Bardet expressed his firm belief that the urbanist's work was a cornerstone of the 'real mission' of la France as an ambassador of Western civilization, not only in the colonial dependencies but also in other parts of the world. In this respect, one of France's traditional devotees still was Latin America, where Bardet had heard the clamour for the French mission 'in the streets in Buenos Aires as well as in the salons of embassies in México City, in the confidential remarks in Santiago or in Caracas . ..' Despite their enthusiastic plea, these urban historians knew that French urbanism was just awaking from its prolonged Beaux-Arts lethargy, which Bardet aptly christened 'Haussmannisme amélioré' (improved Haussmannization), whose diagonals, rond-points and academic forms still ruled in the domains of French urbanism around the world. Apart from the historians, for nearly two decades Le Corbusier had denounced this use of never-ending axes as 'a calamity of architecture'. However – as we have seen – this Haussmannisme amélioré apparently inspired some of the proposals of the EFU members in Latin American capitals from the turn of the century. Notwithstanding the delay in its arrival and the differences between its representatives, the Haussmannic urbanism of the EFU helped to consolidate the cultural mission of la France in Latin America, as Le Corbusier well recognized after his first tour. When adding the contributions of the more technical tradition represented by Hegemann and Brunner, the significance and prestige of this mission can be extended to European urbanism in general, at least during the cycle that lasted until World War II. Even though CIAM architecture continued to be a seductive influence on new generations of Latin American professionals throughout the middle of the twentieth century, in the post-war era CIAM urbanism would become only one among other options of vernacular and international modernity, most of which would arrive via the United States. The end of the phase of predominance of European urbanism was clearly perceived by Francis Violich in his tour across Latin American capitals. When he met some of the local colleagues on his 1941–1942 journey, the Californian planner noticed that Latin professionals were 'European-trained, or prepared for the technical field in their own country by European-trained professors.' In addition to their thorough technicality, Latin professionals frequently had 'a broader understanding of their own and related fields than would be provided in similar training in the United States.' More than their North American colleagues, 19 of 33

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Latin urbanists also tended 'to philosophize about the significance of the city's pattern, about the broad human objective of planning.' Knowing European capitals 'by heart', most of the planners Violich talked to were still influenced by the philosophical and artistic tradition of French urbanism, epitomized in books such as Poëte's Paris. Son évolution créatrice (1938), which the visitor found in some of the planners' libraries. Thus, even in the early 1940s, the urbanist mission of France in Latin America was not only proclaimed by Le Corbusier, by representatives of the EFU or by the French historians, but also confirmed by a North American planner. However, the missions of European urbanism were not to last for long, at least among the 'younger practising architects and planners', who started to 'look towards the United States rather than to Europe.' This turning point was to be confirmed by Violich when called by the Venezuelan government to advise, in the late 1940s, the first National Commission of Urbanism. As he was to summarize three decades later, the dilemma before the Venezuelan urban planners in those years was 'the question of a conceptual approach on which to base the institutional process. A latter-day Beaux Arts movement inspired the late 1930s, and a social orientation, the mid-1940s, only to give way in the early 1950s to a functional approach drawing on North American techniques.' Although it can be argued that Venezuelan society underwent a conspicuous Americanization due to the oil boom, this shift towards the United States as the main exporter of urbanism can be generalized to most countries of Latin America in those decades. After nearly a century of European predominance in the urban culture and urbanism of the young republics, Paris was no longer the ideal for young planners of Latin America.

Footnotes

1. Arturo Almandoz (ed.), Planning Latin America's Capital Cities, 1850-1950. London and New York: Routledge, 2002. 2. Arturo Almandoz, “Sobre historiografía urbana en América Latina. Enfoque epistemológico e internacional, 1960-2000”, Caracas: Centro de Investigaciones Post-doctorales (CIPOST), Facultad de Ciencias Económicas y Sociales, Universidad Central de Venezuela, 2003.

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3. As it was suggested by Francois-Xavier Guerra, “El olvidado siglo XIX”, in V. Vásquez de Prada e I. Olabarri (eds.), Balance de la historiografía sobre Iberoamérica (1945-1988). Pamplona: Ediciones Universidad de Navarra, 1989, pp. 593-631, p. 617. 4..Leonardo Benevolo, “Las nuevas ciudades fundadas en el siglo XVI en América Latina. Una experiencia decisiva para la cultura arquitectónica del Cinquecento”, Boletín del Centro de Investigaciones Históricas y Estéticas, No. 9, Caracas: CIHE, Universidad Central de Venezuela, 1968, pp. 117-136 5. Paolo Sica, Storia dell'urbanistica: il Novecento. Bari: Laterza, 1978, vol. II, pp. 771-819; Fernando Chueca Goitia, Breve historia del urbanismo (1968). Madrid: Alianza, 1974, pp. 127-134. Chueca´s treatment of Latin America is mainly in relation to the Renaissance city, but is well integrated with the rest of the structure. In the case of A.E.J. Morris, History of Urban Form. Before the Industrial Revolution (1972). Harlow: Longman, 1994, the chapter “Spain and her Empire” (pp. 292-320) was added to the work's last edition in English (1994), after having been written for the Spanish edition: Historia de la forma urbana antes de la revolución industrial. Barcelona: Gustavo Gili, 1984. 6. Karl Brunner, Manual de Urbanismo. Bogotá: Imprenta Municipal, 1939, 2 vols. 7. Francis Violich, Cities of Latin America. Housing and Planning to the South. New York: Reinhold Publishing Corporation, 1944 8. Patricio H. Randle, Evolución urbanística. Buenos Aires: Eudeba, 1972, pp. 32-34 9. María Cristina da Silva Leme, “A formaçao do pensamento urbanístico no Brasil, 1865-1965. En M.C. da Silva Leme (ed.), Urbanismo no Brasil, 1895-1965. Sâo Paulo: FUPAM, Studio Nobel, 1999, pp. 20-38, pp. 26, 32 10. As Roberto Segre mentioned to me in Arturo Almandoz, “El

urbanismo: teorías, prácticas e historiografía en América Latina. Entrevista a Roberto Segre”, Ciudad y Territorio. Estudios Territoriales (in press). 11. Ibid. 12. Patricio H. Randle, “Introducción” to Carlos María della Paolera, Buenos Aires y sus problemas urbanos, sel. P.H. Randle. Buenos Aires: OIKOS, 1977, pp. 11-20, p. 12

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13. Emilio Harth-terré, Filosofía en el urbanismo. Lima: Editorial Tierra y Emilio Arte, 1961; Patricio H. Randle, Qué es el urbanismo. Buenos Aires: Columba, 1968, pp. 26-43. 14. Randle, Evolución urbanística 15. Jorge E. Hardoy, Las ciudades precolombinas. Buenos Aires: Infinito, 1964 ( Pre-Columbian Cities. New York: Walker and Company, 1973) 16. Roberto Segre, “Prólogo a la edición española” (junio 1984), in Historia de la arquitectura y del urbanismo. Países desarrollados. Siglos XIX y XX . Madrid: Instituto de Estudios de Administración Local (IEAL), 1985, pp. 13-17. See also Las estructuras ambientales de América Latina. México: Siglo Veintiuno, 1977 17. Manuel Castells, Imperialismo y urbanización en América Latina. Barcelona: Gustavo Gili, 1973; Alejandro B. Rofman, Dependencia, estructura de poder y formación regional en América Latina (1974). México: Siglo Veintiuno Editores, 1977; Marcos Kaplan, “La ciudad latinoamericana como factor de transmisión de control socioeconómico y político externo durante el período contemporáneo”, Boletín del Centro de Investigaciones Históricas y Estéticas, 14, Caracas: Centro de Investigaciones Históricas y Estéticas (CIHE), Universidad Central de Venezuela, September 1972, pp. 90-124; Aníbal Quijano, Dependencia, urbanización y cambio social en Latinoamérica. Lima: Mosca Azul, 1977 18. Ramón Gutiérrez, Arquitectura y urbanismo en Iberoamérica. Madrid: Cátedra, 1984; Roberto Segre et al., Historia de la Arquitectura y del Urbanismo: América Latina y Cuba. Habana: Pueblo y Educación, 1986. In relation to Hardoy, see for instance “Two Thousand Years of Latin American Urbanization”, en J.E. Hardoy (ed.), Urbanization in Latin America: Approaches and Issues. New York: Anchor Books, 1975, pp. 3-55. 19. Gabriel Alomar (coord.), Estudios de urbanismo iberoamericano y filipino. Madrid: Instituto de Estudios de Administración Local (IEAL), 1988; Antonio Bonet Correa (ed.), Urbanismo e historia urbana en el mundo hispanoamericano. Madrid: Universidad Complutense, 1985. 20. Eugenio García Zarza, La ciudad en cuadrícula o

hispanoamericana. Origen, evolución y situación actual. Salamanca: Instituto de Estudios de Iberoamérica y Portugal, 1996; Francisco de Solano, Normas y leyes de la ciudad hispanoamericana. Madrid: Biblioteca de América, CSIC, 1996; 22 of 33

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Allan R. Brewer-Carías, La ciudad ordenada. Madrid: Instituto Pascual Madoz, Universidad Carlos III de Madrid, Boletín Oficial del Estado, 1997. 21. Adrián Rodríguez Alpuche, El urbanismo prehispánico e hispanoamericano en México. Madrid: Instituto de Estudios de Administración Local (IEAL), 1986; Luise Margolies, Graziano Gasparini, “Los establecimientos urbanos incaicos”, in J.E. Hardoy, R.M. Morse, R.M. Schaedel (comp.), Ensayos históricosociales sobre la urbanización en América Latina. Buenos Aires: CLACSO, Ediciones Siap, 1978, pp. 159-196; Ramón Gutiérrez (coord.), Pueblos de Indios. Otro urbanismo en la región andina. Quito: Ediciones Abyala-Yala, 1993; Miguel Rojas-Mix, La Plaza Mayor. El urbanismo, instrumento de dominio colonial. Barcelona: Muchnik Editores, 1978; Francisco de Solano, “La ciudad iberoamericana: fundación, tipología y funciones durante el período colonial”, en F. de Solano (coord.), Historia y futuro de la ciudad iberoamericana. Madrid: Consejo Superior de Investigaciones Científicas, Universidad Internacional Menéndez Pelayo, 1986, pp. 9-25; Leszek Zawisza, “Fundación de las ciudades hispanoamericanas”, Boletín del Centro de Investigaciones Históricas y Estéticas, No. 13, Caracas: CIHE, Universidad Central de Venezuela, enero 1972, pp. 88-128. 22. Arturo Almandoz, “Introduction” and “Urbanization and Urbanism in Latin America: From Haussmann to CIAM”, in A. Almandoz (ed.), Planning Latin America's Capital Cities, 1850-1950, pp. 1-12, 13-44 23. Richard M. Morse, "El desarrollo de los sistemas urbanos en las Américas durante el siglo XIX", in J.E. Hardoy, R. P. Schaedel (eds.), Las ciudades de América Latina y sus áreas de influencia a través de la historia. Buenos Aires: Sociedad Interamericana de Planificación (SIAP), 1975, pp. 263-290 24. Jorge E. Hardoy, "Las ciudades de América Latina a partir de 1900", in La ciudad hispanoamericana. El sueño de un orden. Madrid: Centro de Estudios Históricos de Obras Públicas y Urbanismo (CEHOPU), Ministerio de Obras Públicas y Urbanismo (MOPU), 1989, pp. 267-274 25. Jorge E. Hardoy, "Teorías y prácticas urbanísticas en Europa entre 1850 y 1930. Su traslado a América Latina", in J.E. Hardoy and R.M. Morse (eds.), Repensando la ciudad de América Latina. Buenos Aires: GEL, 1988, pp. 97-126. The English version was published as “Theory and practice of urban planning in Europe, 1850–1930: Its transfer to Latin America, en J.E. Hardoy y R.M.

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Morse (eds.) Rethinking the Latin American City . Washington: The Woodrow Wilson Center, The John Hopkins University Press, 1990, pp. 20–49 26. Benedicte Leclerc (ed.), Jean Claude Nicolas Forestier, 1861-1930. Du Jardin au Paysage Urbain. Paris: Picard, 1994; Fernando Pérez Oyarzun (ed.), Le Corbusier y Sudamérica, viajes y proyectos. Santiago de Chile: Escuela de Arquitectura, Pontificia Universidad Católica de Chile, 1991. Gutiérrez's compilation about European models in Latin American urbanism was published in DANA. Documentos de Arquitectura Nacional y Americana. Buenos Aires, no. 37-38, 1995. A compilation of Brunner's contributions was published in Revista de Arquitectura, No. 8, Santiago: Universidad de Chile, 1996 27. Leme, op. cit.; Juan José Martín Frechilla, Planes, planos y proyectos para Venezuela: 1908-1958. (Apuntes para una historia de la construcción del país). Caracas: Universidad Central de Venezuela, Fondo Editorial Acta Científica Venezolana, 1994; Joel Outtes, “Regolare la società attraverso la città: la genesi dell'urbanistica in Brasile e Argentina (1905-1945)”, Storia Urbana, No. 78, Milan: 1997, pp. 5-28 28. Jeffrey Needell, A Tropical Belle Époque. Elite, Culture and Society in Turn-of-the-century Rio de Janeiro. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1987; Mauricio de A. Abreu, Evolução urbana do Rio de Janeiro. Rio de Janeiro: IPLANRIO, 1997; Yannis Tsiomis (ed.), Le Corbusier. Rio de Janeiro: 1929, 1936. Rio de Janeiro: Secretaria Municipal de Urbanismo, Centro de Arquitetura e Urbanismo do Rio de Janeiro, 1998. Candido Malta Campos, Os rumos da cidade. Urbanismo e modernização em São Paulo. São Paulo: SENAC, 2002. Antonio Heliodório Lima Sampaio, Formas urbanas: cidade real & cidade ideal; contribução ao estudo urbanístico de Salvador . Salvador: Quarteto, Faculdade da Arquitetura, UFBa, 1999; Eloísa Petti Pinheiro, Europa, França e Bahia. Difusão e adaptação de modelos urbanos. (Paris, Rio e Salvador). Salvador: EDUFBA, 2002. 29. Joseph Scarpaci, Roberto Segre, y Mario Coyula, Havana. Two Faces of the Antillean Metrópolis. Chapel Hill y Londres: The University of North Carolina Press, 2002. Arturo Almandoz, Urbanismo europeo en Caracas (1870-1940). Caracas, Fundarte, Equinoccio, Ediciones de la Universidad Simón Bolívar, 1997. Peter Elmore, "Lima: puertas a la modernidad. Modernización y experiencia urbana a principios de siglo", Cuadernos Americanos, No. 30, November-December 1991, pp. 14-123; Gabriel Ramón, La muralla y los callejones. Intervención urbana y proyecto

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político en Lima durante la segunda mitad del siglo XIX. Lima: Sidea, Promperú, 1999. Florencia Quesada Avendaño, En el barrio Amón. Arquitectura, familia y sociabilidad del primer residencial de la élite urbana de San José, 1900-1935. San José: Editorial de la Universidad de Costa Rica, Comisión Nacional de Conmemoraciones Históricas, 2001. 30. J. E. Hardoy, "Teorías y prácticas urbanísticas en Europa entre

1850 y 1930...”; Ramón Gutiérrez, “Modelos e imaginarios europeos en urbanismo americano 1900-1950”, Revista de Arquitectura, No. 8, Santiago: Universidad de Chile, 1996, pp. 2-3; A. Almandoz, “Urbanization and Urbanism in Latin America: From Haussmann to CIAM”

31. In relation to artistic and literary representation, see for instance the project coordinated by the Venezuela historian Elías Pino Iturrieta, Sueños e imágenes de la modernidad. América Latina 1870-1930. Caracas: Fundación CELARG, 1997. About social movements and urban reforms, see R. Pineo y J.A. Baer (eds.), Cities of Hope. People, Protests and Progress in Urbanizing Latin America,1870–1930. Boulder: Westview Press, 1998 32. See for instance Peter Hall, Cities of Tomorrow. An Intellectual History of Urban Planning and Design in the Twentieth Century (1988). Oxford: Blackwell, 1994; Stephen Ward, “The International Diffusion of Planning: A Review and a Canadian Case Study”, International Planning Studies, Vol. 4, No. 1, 1999, pp. 53-77; Anthony D. King, Global Cities. London: Routledge, 1991; Urbanism, Colonialism and the World-Economy. Cultural and Spatial Foundations of the World Urban System. London: Routledge, 1990. 33. Among the early works that seem to have been more influential, see Henri Lefebvre La révolution urbaine (1970). Paris: Gallimard, 1979; Éspace et politique (1971). Paris: Anthopos, 1974; Michel de Certeau, L'écriture de l´histoire. Paris: Gallimard, 1975; David Harvey, The Condition of Postmodernity. An Enquiry into the Origins of Cultural Change (1990). Cambridge, Mass.: Blackwell, 2001 34. Nancy Stieber, “Microhistory of the Modern City: Urban Space, Its Use and Representation”, Journal of the Society of Architectural Historians, Vol 58, No. 3, Special Issue, Chicago: Society of Architectural Historians, septiembre 1999, pp. 382-391, p. 384 35. Richard M. Morse, “Los intelectuales latinoamericanos y la

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ciudad (1860-1940)”, en J.E. Hadoy, R.M. Morse, R.P. Schaedel (comps.), Ensayos histórico-sociales sobre la urbanización en América Latina, pp. 91-112 36. J.E. Hardoy, "Las ciudades de América Latina a partir de 1900"; "Teorías y prácticas urbanísticas en Europa entre 1850 y 1930...” 37. José Luis Romero, Latinoamérica: las ciudades y las ideas (1976). México: Siglo Veintiuno Editores, 1984; Angel Rama, La ciudad letrada. Hanover: Ediciones del Norte, 1984 38. Jeffrey Needell, A Tropical Belle Époque. Elite, Culture and Society in Turn-of-the-century Rio de Janeiro. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1987; Adrián Gorelik, La grilla y el parque. Espacio público y cultura urbana en Buenos Aires, 1887-1936. Buenos Aires: Universidad Nacional de Quilmes, 1999. I have published reviews of Gorelik's book in Urbana, 26, Caracas: Universidad Central de Venezuela, Universidad del Zulia, enero-junio 2000, pp. 109-110; Planning Perspectives, Vol. 16, No. 3, julio 2001, pp. 327-328 39. Arturo Almandoz, Urbanismo europeo en Caracas (1870-1940); Gabriel Ramón, La muralla y los callejones. Intervención urbana y proyecto político en Lima durante la segunda mitad del siglo XIX. Lima: Sidea, Promperú, 1999; Florencia Quesada Avendaño, En el barrio Amón. Arquitectura, familia y sociabilidad del primer residencial de la élite urbana de San José, 1900-1935. San José: Editorial de la Universidad de Costa Rica, Comisión Nacional de Conmemoraciones Históricas, 2001. 40. Michel Foucault, L'archéologie du savoir (1969). Paris:

Gallimard, 1992, p. 53

41. As it was said above, this section is based on the chapter by A. Almandoz, “Urbanization and Urbanism in Latin America: From Haussmann to CIAM”. 42. P. Sica, op. cit., pp. 773–774 43. J.L. Romero, op. cit., pp. 282–284 44. R. Gutiérrez, Arquitectura y Urbanismo en Iberoamérica, pp. 515–518 45. A. Gorelik, op. cit., pp. 115–124

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46. J. Needell, op. cit., pp. 33–51. See also the recent work by E. P. Pinheiro, op. cit., pp. 120-122 47. A. Almandoz, Urbanismo europeo en Caracas (1870–1940), pp. 120–125 48. See Georges-Eugène Hausssmann, Mémoires (1890-93). París: Guy Durier, 1979, 2 vols. Regarding the intrepretation of the components of “Haussmannization” as a diffusion model, see E.P. Pinheiro, op. cit, pp. 77-88 49. J.E. Hardoy, “Teorías y practicas urbanísticas en Europa entre 1850 y 1930…”, pp. 102-103 50. Charles Morrow Wilson, Ambassadors in White. The Story of

American Tropical Medicine (1942). Nueva York: Kenikat Press, 1972, pp. 33–35. About Rio's case, see the illustrative study by Lilian Fessler Vaz, Modernidade e Moradia. Habitação Coletiva no Rio de Janeiro. Séculos XIX e XX . Rio de Janeiro: 7 Letras, FAPERJ, 2002, pp. 25-48 51. Conferencias Internacionales Americanas. Washington: Dotación Carnegie para la Paz Internacional, 1938, Vol . I: 1889–1936, p. 98 52. José Ronzón, “La fiebre amarilla en los puertos de Veracruz y La Habana 1900–1910”, Tierra Firme, Vol. XV, No. 57, Caracas, January-March 1997, pp. 33–56; Arturo Almandoz, “The shaping of Venezuelan urbanism in the hygiene debate of Caracas, 1880–1910”, Urban Studies, Vol. 37, No. 11, October 2000, pp. 2073–2089; David Parker, “Civilizing the city of kings: hygiene and housing in Lima, Peru”, in R. Pineo y J. Baer (eds.), op. cit., pp. 153–177; Peter Elmore, “Lima: puertas a la modernidad. Modernización y experiencia urbana a principios de siglo”, Cuadernos Americanos, 30, November-December 1991, pp. 104–123 53. Carlos Kessel, A Vitrine e o Elpelho. O Rio de Janeiro de Carlos Sampaio. Rio de Janeiro: Prefeitura da Cidade do Rio de Janeiro, 2001, pp. 57-62. In English, see C. Kessel, “Carlos Sampaio and urbanism in Rio de Janeiro (1875–1930)”, Planning History , Vol. 22, No. 1, 2000, pp. 17–26 54. Jonás Figueroa, “La Ciudad Lineal en Chile (1910–1930)”, DANA. Documentos de Arquitectura Nacional y Americana, 37/38, 1995, pp. 64–70 55. R. Gutiérrez, “Modelos e imaginarios europeos en el 27 of 33

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urbanismo americano 1900–1950” 56. Fernando Pérez Oyarzun and José Rosas Vera, “Cities within the City: Urban and Architectural Transfers in Santiago de Chile, 1840-1940', en A. Almandoz (ed.), Planning Latin America's Capital Cities, 1850-1950, pp. 109-138, 124-125 57. Sonia Berjman, (1998) Plazas y parques de Buenos Aires: la obra de los paisajistas franceses. André, Courtois, Thays,Bouvard, Forestier, 1860–1930. Buenos Aires: Gobierno de la Ciudad de Buenos Aires, Fondo de Cultura Económica, 1998, pp. 175–213; S. Berjman, “Proyectos de Bouvard para la Buenos Aires del Centenario: Barrio, plazas, hospital y exposición”, DANA. Documentos de Arquitectura Nacional y Americana, 37/38, 1995, pp. 41–53. About Bouvard, see Michel Ragon, Histoire de l'architecture et de l'urbanisme modernes. Naissance de la cité moderne (1971-1978). Paris: Casterman, 1991, t.II, p. 163 58. Antônio Rodrigues Porto, História urbanística da cidade de São Paulo (1554 a 1988). São Paulo: Carthago & Forte, 1992, pp. 107–108; Hugo Segawa, “1911: Bouvard em São Paulo”, DANA. Documentos de Arquitectura Nacional y Americana, 37/38, 1995, pp. 31–35 59. S. Berjman, Plazas y parques de Buenos Aires: la obra de los paisajistas franceses, pp. 215–271; S. Berjman, (1994) “En la ciudad de Buenos Aires”, in B. Leclerc (ed.), op. cit., pp. 207–219 60. Heriberto Duverger, “El maestro francés del urbanismo criollo

para La Habana”, en B. Leclerc (ed.), op. cit., pp. 221–240. See also the recent analysis by J. Scarpaci, R. Segre and M. Coyula (op. cit., 63-67), illustrating the integration of architecture and landscape in Forestier's proposal.

61. Peter Amato, “Elitism and settlement patterns in the Latin American city”, Journal of the American Institute of Planners, Vol. XXXVI, No. 2, 1970, pp. 96–105; Walter D. Harris, Jr., The Growth of Latin American Cities. Athens, Ohio: Ohio University Press, 1971 62. M. Johns, The City of Mexico in the Age of Díaz. Austin: University of Texas Press, 1997; A. Rodrigues Porto, op. cit., pp.81–82; A. Almandoz, Urbanismo europeo enCaracas (1870–1940), pp. 237–240 63. Roberto Segre y Sergio Baroni, “Cuba y La Habana. Historia, población y territorio”, Ciudad y Territorio. Estudios Territoriales, Vol. XXX, No. 116, 1998, pp. 351-379, p. 370 28 of 33

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64. J. E. Hardoy, “Teorías y practicas urbanísticas en Europa entre 1850 y 1930…”, p. 104 65. Roberto Segre, “América Latina: urbanidad del siglo XXI. Suburbios, periferias, franjas y archipiélagos”, en Raíl Rispa (ed.), Iberoamérica. Arquitectura 2001-2002. III Bienal Iberoamericana de Arquitectura. Madrid y Sevilla: Ministerio de Fomento, Tanais, 2002, pp. 36-43, pp. 36-37; P. Sica, op. cit., pp. 789–790 66. M.C. S. Leme (ed.), op. cit., pp. 300-01. H. Segawa, op. cit., pp. 34–35. There is also a work by Carlos Roberto Monteiro de Andrade, “Barry Parker, um arquiteto ingles na cidade de São Paulo”, unpublished doctoral thesis, São Paulo: University of São Paulo, 1998 67. In this respect, see for instance Anthony Sutcliffe, Towards the Planned City: Germany, Britain, the United States and France, 1780–1914. Oxford: Blackwell, 1981, pp. 190–194; Françoise Choay, « Pensées sur la ville, arts de la ville », in Maurice Agulhon (ed.), Histoire de la France urbaine. La ville de l'age industriel. Le cycle haussmannien. Paris: Seuil, 1983, vol. IV, pp. 158-271 68. Among the various articles that deal with different national contexts, see Ciro Caraballo, “Del academicismo retórico al profesionalismo pragmático. Crisis recurrente de la educación venezolana de la ingeniería y la arquitectura”, Boletín del Centro de Investigaciones Históricas y Estéticas, 27, Caracas: CIHE, Universidad Central de Venezuela, diciembre 1986, pp. 52-77; María Isabel Pavez, “Precursores de la enseñanza del urbanismo en Chile. Período 1928–1953”, Revista de Arquitectura, 3, Santiago de Chile: Facultad de Arquitectura y Urbanismo, 1992, pp.2–11 69. According to the distinction of levels of specialization between “pre-urbanism” and “urbanism” established by Françoise Choay, (1965, 1979) L'urbanisme, utopies et réalités. Une anthologie (1965). Paris: Éditions du Seuil, 1979, pp. 30–31 70. R. Gutiérrez, “Modelos e imaginarios europeos en urbanismo

americano 1900–1950”

71. J.E. Hardoy, “teorías y prácticas urbanísticas entre 1850 y 1930...”, pp. 99-100, 123-126 72. Anthony Sutcliffe, “Introduction: the debate on nineteenthcentury planning”, in A. Sutcliffe (ed.), The Rise of Modern Urban Planning: 1800–1914. London: Mansell, 1980, pp. 1–10; A. Sutcliffe, Towards the Planned City , pp. 203–204 29 of 33

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73. Francis Violich, Cities of Latin America. Housing and Planning to the South. New York: Reinhold Publishing Corporation, 1944, pp. 157–170 74. The works of some of these pioneers have been edited; see for instance Carlos M. della Paolera, Buenos Aires y sus problemas urbanos. Buenos Aires: OIKOS, 1977; Alberto Lovera (comp.), Leopoldo Martínez Olavarría. Desarrollo urbano, vivienda y estado. Caracas: Fondo Editorial ALEMO, 1996 75. F. Choay, “Pensées sur la ville, arts de la ville” 76. A. Gorelik, op. cit., pp. 318–330 77. Heriberto Duverger, (1995) “La insoportable solidez de lo que el viento se llevó. J.C.N. Forestier y la ciudad de La Habana”, DANA. Documentos de Arquitectura Nacional y Americana, 37/38, 1995, pp. 71–82. An interesting analysis of the advantages and weaknesses of Forestier's proposal, which paved the way for the maturing of academia urbanism, while putting aside the growing problems of poverty, can be seen in J. Scarpaci, R. Segre y M. Coyula, op. cit., pp. 69-71. See also Roberto Segre, “Havana, from Tacón to Forestier”, en A. Almandoz (ed.), Planning Latin America's Capital Cities, 1850-1950, pp. 193-213, 206-208 78. R. Gutiérrez, “Modelos e imaginarios europeos en urbanismo americano 1900–1950”, p. 2 79. Ramón Gutiérrez, “Buenos Aires. Modelo para armar (1910–1927)”, DANA. Documentos de Arquitectura Nacional y Americana, 37/38, 1995, pp. 36–40 80. Margareth da Silva Pereira, “Pensando a metrópole moderna:

os planos de Agache e Le Corbusier para o Rio de Janeiro”, DANA. Documentos de Arquitectura Nacional y Americana, 37/38, 1995, pp. 97–105. See also M. d.S. Pereira, “The Time of the Capitals: Rio de Janeiro and São Paulo: Words, Arctors and Plans”, en A. Almandoz (ed.), Planning Latin America's Capital Cities, 1850-1950, pp. 75-108, 101-103 81. Donat-Alfred Agache, La rémodelation d'une capitale. Paris: Société Coopérative d'Architectes, 1932, Vol. I, pp. xviii–xx, 93 82. Arturo Almandoz, “Longing for Paris: the Europeanized dream of Caracas urbanism, 1870–1940”, Planning Perspectives, Vol. 14, No. 3, julio 1999, pp. 225–248 83. Plan Monumental de Caracas. Revista Municipal del Distrito 30 of 33

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Federal, No. 1, 1939, pp. 17 and following 84. Fernando Pérez Oyarzun, “Le Corbusier y Sudamérica en el viaje del 29”, en F. Pérez Oyarzun (ed.) Le Corbusier y Sudamérica, viajes y proyectos, pp. 15–41 85. Alberto Nicolini, “Le Corbusier: Utopía y Buenos Aires”, DANA. Documentos de Arquitectura Nacional y Americana, 37/38, 1995, pp. 106–113 86. Le Corbusier (C.E. Jeanneret), Précisions sur un état présent de l'architecture et de l'urbanisme. Paris: G. Crès & Cie, 1930, pp. 167, 172–174, 202 (my translation) 87. F. Pérez Oyarzun, “Le Corbusier y Sudamérica en el viaje del 29”, pp. 25–27 88. Cecilia Rodríguez, Margareth da Silva Pereira, Romeo Veriano and Vasco Caldeira, “El viaje de 1936”, in F. Pérez Oyarzun, Le Corbusier y Sudamérica. Viajes y proyectos, pp. 42–49; M. d S. Pereira, “Pensando a metrópole moderna”, pp. 102–104; Yannis Tsiomis (ed.), (1998) Le Corbusier. Rio de Janeiro: 1929, 1936. Rio de Janeiro: Secretaria Municipal de Urbanismo, Centro de Arquitetura e Urbanismo do Rio de Janeiro, 1998. In relation to Agache, see also M. d S. Pereira, “The Time of the Capitals…”, pp. 101-104 89. Francisco Liernur and Pablo Pschepiurca, “Le Corbusier y el plan de Buenos Aires”, in F. Pérez Oyarzun (ed.), Le Corbusier y Sudamérica. Viajes y proyectos, pp. 56–71; A. Nicolini, op. cit., pp. 110–111 90. Pedro Bannen, “Bogotá–Colombia: Cinco viajes y un plan”, in

F. Pérez Oyarzun, Le Corbusier y Sudamérica. Viajes y proyectos, pp. 72–85; Rodrigo Cortés, “Bogotá 1950: Plan Director de Le Corbusier”, in Pérez Oyarzun, Le Corbusier y Sudamérica. Viajes y proyectos, pp. 86–94 91. R. Gutiérrez, “Modelos e imaginarios europeos en urbanismo americano 1900–1950”, p. 3; J. Scarpaci, R. Segre, M. Coyula, op. cit., p. 80 92. Roberto Segre, “La Habana de Sert: CIAM, ron y cha cha chá”, DANA. Documentos de Arquitectura Nacional y Americana, 37/38, 1995, pp. 120–124. An interesting report of the modern influence on Sert's plan, in the midst of Havana's changing way of life, can be seen in J. Scarpaci, R. Segre, M. Coyula, op. cit., pp. 81-88 31 of 33

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93. This context can be re-created in Manuel López Villa, “Gestión urbanística, revolución democrática y dictadura militar en Venezuela (1945–1958)”, Urbana, 14/15, Caracas: Universidad Central de Venezuela, Universidad del Zulia, 1994, pp. 106–119; Lorenzo González Casas, “Modernity and the City. Caracas 1935–1958”, unpublished doctoral thesis. Ithaca, NY: Cornell University, 1996; Juan José Martín Frechilla, “La Comisión Nacional de Urbanismo, 1946-1957 (origen y quiebra de una utopía)”, in A. Lovera (comp.), Leopoldo Martínez Olavarría. Desarrollo urbano, vivienda y estado, pp. 157-210; Arturo Almandoz,"Urbanización, modernidad urbanística y crítica intelectual en la Venezuela de mediados del siglo XX", Argos, No. 34, Caracas: Universidad Simón Bolívar, June 2001, pp. 45-80 94. Roberto Segre, “Huellas difusas: La herencia de Le Corbisier en Brasilia”, Revista de Arquitectura, No. 10, 1998, pp. 4–11; Jonás Figueroa, “Brasilia transfer. Las raíces clásicas del Movimiento Moderno”, Revista de Arquitectura, No. 10, 1998, pp. 12–15 95. Christiane Crasemann Collins, “Urban interchange in the Southern Cone: Le Corbusier (1929) and Werner Hegemann (1931) in Argentina”, Journal of the Society of Architectural Historians, Vol. 54, No. 2, June 1995, pp. 208–227; Jorge D. Tartarini, “La visita de Werner Hegemann a la Argentina en 1931”, DANA. Documentos de Arquitectura Nacional y Americana, No. 37/38, 1995, pp. 54–63 96. J. Tartarini, op. cit., pp. 58–59 97. Jonás Figueroa, “La recomposición de la forma urbana. K.H. Brunner 1932–1942”, DANA. Documentos de Arquitectura Nacional y Americana, No. 37/38, 1995, pp. 83–91 98. Alberto Gurovich, “La venida de Karl Brunner en gloria y majestad. La influencia de sus lecciones en la profesionalización del urbanismo en Chile”, Revista de Arquitectura, No. 8, 1996, pp. 8–13 99. Karl H. Brunner, Manual de Urbanismo. Bogotá: Imprenta Municipal, 1939, 2 vols. 100. J. Figueroa, “La recomposición de la forma urbana. K.H.

Brunner 1932–1942”, pp. 88–89; Fernando Cortés, “La construcción de la ciudad como espacio público”, Revista de Arquitectura, No. 8, 1996, pp. 14–19

101. Alvaro Uribe, “El Plan Brunner para la ciudad de Panamá”, 32 of 33

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