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Introduction Civil society is one of the three important sectors of society, along with government and business. As one of the most important elements of democratization process in the Philippines, its strength and weaknesses determine both the speed and depth of the transition and it will, in time, help to sustain the democratic system itself. Civil society is an arena, a forum in which citizens associate to achieve a range of different purposes, some positive and peaceful, some perceived as negative and violent. Civil society as it is usually referred to in the Philippines means those organizations in which citizens associate in order to push for greater democracy in the country cou ntry.. On the other hand, A social movement is a particular form of collective behaviour in which the motive to act springs largely from the attitudes and aspirations of members, typically acting within a loose organizational framework. eing part of a social movement re!uires a level of commitment and political activism rather than formal or card"carrying membership# above all, movements move. A m movement ovement is different from spontaneous mass action ac tion $such as an uprising or rebellion% in that it implies a level of intended and planned action in pursuit of a recognized social goal, not uncommonly, social movements embrace interest groups and may even spawn political parties& trade unions and socialist parties, for instance, can be seen as part of a broader labour movement. Interest in social movements has been revived by the emergence of so"called 'new( social social mov moveme ements nts since since the )*+ )*+-s& s& the womenwomen-ss mov moveme ement, nt, the enviro environme nmenta ntall or green green movement, the peace movement, and so on. owever, social movements can be traced back to the early nineteenth century. /he earliest were the labour movement, which campaigned for impro improved ved conditi conditions ons for the growin growing g workin working g class, class, variou variouss nation national al mov moveme ements nts,, usu usuall ally y struggling for independence from multi"national 0uropean empires, and, in central 0urope in particular a catholic movement that fought for emancipation through the granting of legal and political rights to Catholics. In the twentieth twentieth century it was also common for the fascist and right" wing authoritarian groups to be seen as movements rather than as conventional political parties.
I. Civil 1ociety
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/he term 2Civil 1ociety- has become a buzzword in Philippine development circles, official as well as non"governmental. Commonly, and as shown in e3isting literature, people use it to refer to that section of society that is non"state and non"corporate. /he meaning comes across pretty much along 4arc 5erfin-s notion of three political actors, namely, prince, merchant and citizen $6orten, )*7*%. /he prince is metaphor for state and represents public for public good. /he merchant represents the corporate sector or private for private good. /he citizen is what represents civil society or private for public good. Civil society is sometimes meant in holistic ways. At its most basic, it is viewed as a society of law and order, as contrasted to a society in total chaos, commonly described as barbarian or uncivilized. Another holistic view sees civil society as a society born out of social contract in contrast to one supposedly ordained by god or king. /his one traces back to the conceptual construction of such 0nlightenment thinkers as 8ocke and others $/urner )**9%. /he notion also takes on narrower meanings. /hese meanings focus and emphasize more on either values and beliefs or on institutions. In the Philippines, use of civil society includes both. owever defined, civil society is used in the Philippines in rather liberal fashion in the sense of shifting from one meaning to the other or combining these different meanings with little thought about rigor or !ualification $1errano )**:%. /he use of civil society has been a sub;ect of criticism in some circles, academic and leftist in particular. Academic Academic critic points p oints precisely to the lack of theoretical rigor. One criticism from the radical left says that the concept of civil society obscures and blurs the notion of class and class struggle and even asserts that the state"market"citizen paradigm is but a rehabilitation of 4ussolini-s trisectoral paradigm $A
Os, e3"?esuit @ennis 4urphy tended to shun the introduction of civil society and called for 2a moratorium on outside ideas and concentrate on digging into local history, culture and spirituality- $Caroll, )**:%. ?esuit ather ?ohn Carroll, an initiator of dialogs on civil society in the Philippines, insists that the concept is still an appropriate term to use $Carroll, )***%. In any case, one view argues that there-s more to it than ;ust fascination with something trendy $1errano, )**:%.
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/he term 2Civil 1ociety- has become a buzzword in Philippine development circles, official as well as non"governmental. Commonly, and as shown in e3isting literature, people use it to refer to that section of society that is non"state and non"corporate. /he meaning comes across pretty much along 4arc 5erfin-s notion of three political actors, namely, prince, merchant and citizen $6orten, )*7*%. /he prince is metaphor for state and represents public for public good. /he merchant represents the corporate sector or private for private good. /he citizen is what represents civil society or private for public good. Civil society is sometimes meant in holistic ways. At its most basic, it is viewed as a society of law and order, as contrasted to a society in total chaos, commonly described as barbarian or uncivilized. Another holistic view sees civil society as a society born out of social contract in contrast to one supposedly ordained by god or king. /his one traces back to the conceptual construction of such 0nlightenment thinkers as 8ocke and others $/urner )**9%. /he notion also takes on narrower meanings. /hese meanings focus and emphasize more on either values and beliefs or on institutions. In the Philippines, use of civil society includes both. owever defined, civil society is used in the Philippines in rather liberal fashion in the sense of shifting from one meaning to the other or combining these different meanings with little thought about rigor or !ualification $1errano )**:%. /he use of civil society has been a sub;ect of criticism in some circles, academic and leftist in particular. Academic Academic critic points p oints precisely to the lack of theoretical rigor. One criticism from the radical left says that the concept of civil society obscures and blurs the notion of class and class struggle and even asserts that the state"market"citizen paradigm is but a rehabilitation of 4ussolini-s trisectoral paradigm $AOs, e3"?esuit @ennis 4urphy tended to shun the introduction of civil society and called for 2a moratorium on outside ideas and concentrate on digging into local history, culture and spirituality- $Caroll, )**:%. ?esuit ather ?ohn Carroll, an initiator of dialogs on civil society in the Philippines, insists that the concept is still an appropriate term to use $Carroll, )***%. In any case, one view argues that there-s more to it than ;ust fascination with something trendy $1errano, )**:%.
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/he term entered the Philippine development discourse in the early )**s, following political changes in 0astern 0urope from )*7* onward. Initially, Initially, the concept conc ept was loosely used to mean mean almo almost st the the same same as 5>Os 5>Os.. 8ate 8aterr on the the meani eaning ng tend tended ed to be mo more re incl inclus usiv ive, e, encompassing various types of non"corporate private voluntary institutions advancing a variety of public causes. O itself is fairly recent, somewhat of a post )*7+ democratic transition phenomenon. Official registration by the 1ecurities and 03change Commission still retains the name private voluntary organization $PBO%, an American coinage, used for such old 5>Os like the Philippine ural econstruction 4ovement $P4% which was founded and incorporated in )*=D a year before the E5 adoption of the name 5>O. efore the )*7+ democratic transition from the martial law regime the most common term termss used used were were peopl peoplee-ss orga organi niza zati tions ons,, mass mass mo move veme ment nts, s, trad tradee unio unions ns,, coope coopera rati tives ves,, community organizations, coalitions, networks, federations, alliances, united fronts and the like. /hese names are still current even as civil society became a catch"all nomenclature embracing all these different institutions. /he cycle of E5 summits has legitimized the use of civil society organizations $C1Os% to denote these institutional forms $E5"5>81 andbook D%. /he concept of civil society has evolved through time. rom the enlightenment period of the eighteenth century to modern political thinkers, the notion of civil society transformed from one unified with the political society to one separated from it. oth egel and 4ar3 suggested the separation between the realm of the state as political society and civil society as the arena of the individual and market relations. @e /oc!ueville, in his celebrated study of democracy in America, emphasized the importance of associationalism and self"organization as vital attributes of civil society, or an active 'voluntary( sector, to provide a check on state power. /he development of the nation"state, the debate between the public and private spheres and assertion of social autonomy were the precursors for the need to problematize the state"civil society dichotomy. In addition to these classical trends, the current discourse on civil society has been heavily influence by the >ramscian notion of civil society as a comple3 arena of struggle that must be transformed in the process of social emancipation. /his conte3t accords e!ual value to the goals of social and civic sectors in changing political structures and includes state"oriented pro;ects of organized forces as part of the process of emancipation emancipation $1errano, )**:%
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In contemporary usage, there are different versions of the concept civil society. /he triadic paradigm of the state, market and civil society has emerged as the dominant model, giving birth to the 'neo"liberal( version of civil society $6aldor, DD%. Against the state"civil society, the triadic model 'suggests a further division of civil society into two"the individual as economic actor or part of the corporate sector and the individual as plain citizen( $1errano, )**:% or 'third( sector, reflecting '/oc!uevillean notions of volunteerism, implies the possibility of a 'principled partnership( $Perlas, )***% with both the state and the market. 1uch organizations are 'neither controlled by the state nor the market, but which play an essential role in facilitating the role o both( $6aldor, DD%. /hey can substitute for the state as alternative delivery systems, check powers and call corporations to account $1alamon, )***# Powell and >uerin, )**F# Perlas, )***%. Activities considered part of civil society according to 1cholte $D% 'involve a deliberate attempt G from outside the state and market, and in some other organized fashion G to shape policies, norms andHor deeper social structures.( Civil society constituencies include 'academic
institutes,
business
associations,
community"based
organizations,
consumer
protection bodies, development cooperation groups, environmental campaigns, ethnic bodies foundations, farmers- groups, human right advocates, labor unions relief organizations, peace activists, professional bodies, religious institutions, women-s networks, youth campaigns and more. /his notion of civil society is broadly adopted by international organizations, such as the Enited 5ations and the orld ank. or the E5, the term civil society encompasses the 'entitles of the third sector( distinct from the state and from the private sector, which are engaged in non" profit activities&
a civil society is the result of different components of populations and communities, and refers to the sphere in which citizens and social initiatives organize themselves around objectives, constituencies and thematic interests. They act collectively through their organizations known as ‘civil society organizations’ which include movements, entities, institutions autonomous
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from the state which in principle, are non-profit-making, act locally, nationally and internationally, in defense and promotion of social, economic and cultural interests and for mutual benefit. They intermediate between their constituencies members, with the state as well as with !nited "ation bod ies. They do this through lobbying andor provisions of services. Though belonging to the non state actor category, they are different from the private sector and "#$ as they may not be registered, may replace the public sector, are not always structured and often their members are not officially recognized %!" &'(').
/he orld ank $%, as well, differentiates civil society organizations $C1Os% from business organizations. C1Os are referred to as 'non"governmental and not"for"profit organizations that have a presence in public life, e3pressing the interests and values of their members or others, based on ethical, cultural, political, scientific, religious or philanthrophic considerations( and e3cludes organizations engaged in business. /he bank identifies C1Os as those 'including not ;ust 5>Os but also trade unions, community"based organizations, social movements, faith"based institutions, charitable organizations, research centers, foundations, student organizations, professional associations and many others( $orld ank%. elating to the Philippine conte3t, Carino $DD% opts to differentiate the importance of organizations belonging to the nonprofit sector, which includes the philanthropic sector and highlights the !uality of 'voluntarism( in the dynamics of civil society at present. 1he argues that the term 'nonprofit sector( ade!uately 'conveys the essence of the space between the space between the state and the market( which is reflective of the E5 and orld ank definitions of the term civil society. 5oting that defining Philippine civil society as wholly 'non"government organizations( points to the crucial element of the state in describing itself. /hus, Carino uses the 'cumbersome term,( as she puts it, the nonprofit sector and civil society to describe and define the civil society sector. 1econd, there are scholars who regard civil society as a 'realm outside political parties where individuals and groups aimed to democratize the state, to redistribute power, rather than to capture power in a traditional sense( $6aldor, DD% G an understanding of civil society which
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6aldor terms as the 'activist( version. /his characterization of civil society is heavily influenced by >ramsci, and illustrates the nature of both old liberation movements and the new social movements. @avid $)**F% terms this 'e3clusive( view of civil society, limiting the membership to those groups that specifically contest the state power and its policies, opposite to what Coronel errer $)**F% describes as an 'inclusive( stance where civil society includes all individuals and institutions short of the state and its various apparatus. @avid $)**F% defines civil society as 'the totality of these self"conscious organizations that are accountable to a defined constituency, that contest the power of the state and insist on a culture of involvement.( A third version of civil societyGthe 'post"modern( Gargues that both neo"liberal and activist definitions are part of a estern discourse, and prefers more 'culturally sensitive( concept, which includes various national and regional groupings and a 'contestation of narratives( $6aldor, DD%.
/he 0nvironment /he role of 5>Os in shaping and facilitating environmental policy has sometimes been as great as in the case of agrarian reform, but only in certain cases or on certain issues. Illegal loggingJwhich caused a flood in 8eyte in )**) that killed at least :, peopleJand environmental damage by irresponsible mining companies were the two main problems. Again, A!uino did not make an impressive start. 1he first appointed 0rnesto 4aceda as secretary of the @epartment of 0nvironment and 5atural esources $@05%, but he himself turned out to be an illegal logger. ortunately, he resigned to run for the 1enate. Already in the )*7s environmental 5>Os were multiplying, both at the national and local levels. aribon emerged as the leading organization, criti!uing national policy and coordinating local actions. ut the @05 was as often an enemy as an ally. 0vidence against an illegal logger would be gathered and presented to the @05, but often it would take no legal action, perhaps because one of its own staff was involved. And even if the underpaid @05 lawyers did file cases, they might find that the local ;udge had been bought by the loggers. 1ometimes local 5>Os, perhaps with the support of a mayor, would become so frustrated with
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inaction from 4anila that they would set up roadblocks to prevent illegal loggers from bringing their trucks to the sawmill. /here were a few cases of remarkable persistence by citizens in nonviolent action. ut the logger often had his own armed guards or goons to scare away the protesters. In e3treme cases, citizens who were hurt by illegal logging and threatened by logging goons, would call in the communist revolutionaries of the 5ew People-s Army for protection. $1ometimes, however, the 5PA would find illegal loggers useful, forcing them to pay 'revolutionary ta3es.(% 0nforcing legal restrictions on logging in remote areas was not an easy task even with an aroused citizenry. 0nvironmental 5>Os were pleased to learn that Pres. amos would appoint an environmental scientist as head of @05. ut as an administrator he was !uite disappointing. hen brought information about wrongdoing in his department he might order an investigation, but would then cover up the critical findings, and even protect the violator. Already by )*7), when 4arcos cronies were still cutting logs as fast as they could, timber production was half what it had been a decade earlier. y the mid"l**s the Philippines had become a net importer of forest products. 1o corruption spread from illegal logging to reforestation pro;ects, though it was reduced when local POs were brought into the implementation process. 5ot until the appointment of 1ecretary amos $no relation to the president% in )**= did the @05 more consistently enforce the law. ut, events conspired to make mining, rather than logging, the most urgent problem. /he 4ining Act of )**= facilitated e3plorations that seriously encroached on indigenous land rights, and even triggered violent clashes. oth national and international 5>Os came to the assistance of indigenous peoples, who were usually poorly prepared to deal with difficult legal and technical problems. /he Catholic ishop-s Conference of the Philippines, advised by environmental 5>Os, even passed a resolution calling for the repeal of the 4ining Act. ut the mining issue that demanded the most attention from 1ecretary amos was waste disposal, especially on the island of 4arindu!ue. 4arcopper 4ining Company was one of those many properties in which 4arcos had had an interest. 1o it is not surprising that 4arcopper was engaged in illegal dumping of tailings in Calancan ay for years during the )*Fs. ishing was severely impaired and the health of residents put at risk by the presence of heavy metals.
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In )*7) the newly created @iocese of oac began to organize asic Christian Communities around the island, many of which began to protest environmental damage from the mine. A small environmental 5>O in 4anila, led by 1ister Aida Belas!uez, began to assist such protests at the national level. ithin a few months after A!uino took power, as a result of local, national and international 5>O protests, an order was issued in 4anila to halt dumping of tailings in Calancan ay. ut the dumping actually continued. In )*77, the Canadian"managed mining company appealed to A!uino to lift the ban, which she did. It was not until )**) that the dumping actually stopped. In )**+ the /apian Pit itself ruptured, flooding the oac iver valley with tailings. /housands were left homeless. eavy metals contaminated water sources. ortunately, the event got e3tensive press coverage. 5>O and Church pressure on the president and the @05 led to the cancellation of 4arcopper-s mining permit and criminal charges against management for violation of various laws and administrative orders. 4arcopper promised rehabilitation of the oac valley and compensation for damages, but such action moved at a snail-s pace. 4eanwhile the company tried, largely unsuccessfully, to court 5>Os and to buy off village officials in order to get approval to reopen the mine. ut the @05, monitored by 5>Os, applied strict standards for environmental approval. /he mine was still closed when 0strada took office in )**7. 0strada-s appointment of a former congressman and an illegal miner from 4indanao to head the @05 was a new test of 5>O influence. 1ecretary Antonio Cerilles was sub;ect to one of the most e3tensive hearings ever by the Commission on Appointments, with many opposing the appointment. /he chair of the commission was favorably impressed with the ob;ections raised. ut ultimately Cerilles was backed by the president and by the 4indanao bloc in Congress and his appointment was confirmed. e proceeded to behave in office much as the 5>Os had feared. In fact, on his last day, ;ust before 0strada was forced out in ?anuary D), Cerilles issued numerous 'environmental compliance certificates( to mines that could not have passed a proper screening. President 4acapagal"Arroyo appointed another e3"congressman as secretary, but one with some ac!uaintance with the environmental movement. eherson Alvarez has actually courted 5>O cooperation, hoping to avoid opposition in the Commission on Appointments. ut he is not personally popular in the Congress, and had not secured confirmation as of this writing. In the meantime he has made some environmentally sound
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decisions, and others that are !uestionable. 4arcopper 4ining has not resumed operation# the Church and its 5>Os in 4arindu!ue are still vigilant. ut it is hard to assess the present state of environmental activism nationally. If world mineral prices should rise, mining companies are likely to regroup and e3pand their influence. $Bitug, )**9%
II. 5>O epresentation in 0lectoral Politics 0ven though @?A5>Os and their cooperating POs constitute a remarkable mass movement in the Philippines, which has been recognized ever since the A!uino administration by a few top level presidential appointments, this movement has had, until recently, no mechanism for direct representation in the electoral process. In fact, it has been a cardinal principle of the 5>Os to adhere to a non"partisan stance. It was feared that electoral involvement would endanger their freedom of activity or at least ;eopardize the minimal cooperation with government at all levels that is essential for carrying out their pro;ects. hen 5>Os strayed from this policy and 'backed the wrong horse,( as they fre!uently did, the negative conse!uences were indeed evident. It was also discouraging to note that when a particular 5>O did back a $usually local% candidate, either openly or !uietly, the choice of candidate was sometimes based on kinship, friendship, or accumulation of utang na loobJ elements of the traditional patron"client systemJrather than on the candidate-s public record. 5evertheless, there were a number of committed reformers, with personal integrity, who achieved municipal, or even provincial, office in the late l*7s and )**s with 5>O backing. 1ome of these served with distinction in their respective positions. Others, however, were tempted to plan for a political career and began to make alliances with traditional parties and politicians, abandoning much of their reformist platform in the process. /here was elation in 5>O circles in )**) when the enactment of the 8ocal >overnment Code included provisions for 5>O membership in local 'development councils.( 0ven though the councils- role was mainly advisory, they did, in the more progressive communities, give 5>Os a voice in policy making. 4ore often than not, however, 5>Os learned that to be members of such councils was to be under the thumb of the mayor or governor.
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>radually the best minds in the 5>O movement began to recognize that they must have their own political parties, dedicated to human rights, social ;ustice and human development, in order to have an ade!uate voice at the national level. ortunately, a little"known provision in the )*7F Constitution could give them some prospect of success. It mandated the election of D percent of the ouse of epresentatives by proportional representation and re!uired implementing legislation before the )**7 election. $Entil that point the president had been authorized to appoint members representing 'marginalized sectors,( perpetuating the fascist corporatism of the 4arcos era.% /he Party 8ist Act was passed in )**=. /here were a few parties formed with the support of 5>O activistsJusually not acting under their organizational names Jto take advantage of this new process, most notably A6AOs remained aloof from the electoral process. ut despite a very sophisticated national organization with high"caliber leadership at the local as well as national level, A6A
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1o the future of all elections, not ;ust party"list, is in ;eopardy. /here are recommendations for revision of the law before Congress, but there is not even consensus among 5>Os about what changes should be made, let alone among members of Congress. @ivisions within the 5>O community are e3acerbated by the law-s provision of a three"member cap for all parties, no matter how many votes are garnered. /hus incentives for wide, stable coalitions among 5>Os and their political party manifestations are nil. Os and POs will be better represented in the legislature. ut the outcome is in doubt. $urfel, )***%
III. 8egal, egulatory and /a3 Issues 5onprofit, non"stock organizations are e3empted from ta3ation. C1Os can engage in income generating activities. /hey are not re!uired to pay income ta3 as long as they do not issue dividends to their members and their revenues are used solely for nonprofit activities. /he Philippine Constitution guarantees the freedoms of speech, association, and assembly. /he government is under mandate to ensure people-s participation at all levels of policy"making. owever, all these rights have been suppressed at times, as happened in the case of the writ suspension in )*F) and subse!uent imposition of martial law in )*FD. /here are some disturbing signs indicating stricter regulation in the future. /hese include the proposed national I@ system, C1O inventorization and accreditation, and funding restrictions targeted at outspoken and critical C1Os. 1ome C1Os see the need to register with the 10C, many others don-t even bother. A 10C
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registration is necessary to !ualify as recipient of donations. ut it is not a precondition to the e3ercise of one-s right to self"organization. It may be safely assumed that many C1Os do not appear in the 10C list. At some point such registration was considered a security liability by many organizations born before and during martial rule and had links to the opposition or the underground movement.
ow are they fundedL C1Os in the Philippines generally rely on donations, direct and indirect subsidies, membership dues and earned incomes from their own business activities. @onations come from both local and foreign sources in cash or in kind. /hey receive official development assistance $O@A% by way of co"financing arrangements between donor governments and donor"country C1Os. Private donations are transferred directly from donor C1Os in developed countries to recipient C1Os in the Philippines without passing through government. 5early all assistance come in the form of program or pro;ect funding. 1trategic funding is hard to come by. 0ndowment funds for development C1Os are rare. @evelopment C1Os are highly dependent on public and private foreign assistance. Competition for this scarce and dwindling resource has grown over the years, thereby causing relational problems among C1Os. /he !uality of O@A has been the sub;ect of much debate. 0arlier studies had already warned that 'If the appropriate institutions cannot be funded or if they cannot operate freely the poor will generally be served best by no aid at all. Only when the fi3ation on the !uantity of aid disappears can the !uality of aid begin to improve.( Mellinger, ellinger N O-egan )*77&+. 5OBI and other 5>O1 in donor countries have been closely monitoring and reviewing the O@A flows and have been coming out with regular publication on the reality of aid M0EO1/0P N ICBA )**7. Activist C1Os of the e3treme left variety are normally shut out by official donor agencies but manage to devise creative ways to access O@A, including financial support from like"minded foreign C1Os. An undetermined amount of direct and indirect subsidies for people involved with radical C1Os is provided by communities in the form of housing, food, meeting places, and
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transportation e3penses. C1Os that have access to O@A, private foreign donations, and direct citizen contributions may also have been supporting activist C1Os. unding trends have been shifting since the )**s. @espite the overall decline in O@A flows, there is a noticeable increase in the percentage of O@A monies that find their way to C1Os. 03plorations in direct funding of C1Os from O@A sources have resulted in some pilot programs. 0ndowment funds created out of debts swaps fall within this modality. One pioneering e3ample was the conversion of debt to set up an 5>O managed fund for the environment, an outcome of negotiations in )*7* involving on one side, E1 officials and E1 5>Os, and on the other, Philippine officials and Philippine 5>Os. /he oundation for the 0nvironment $P0% was set up in ?anuary )**D to take charge of trusteeship and management of the fund. /he P0 itself was an offshoot of earlier efforts of the >reen orum Philippines $>P%, a green coalition founded by a group of Philippine 5>O leaders who embarked on a mission on environment policy in the E1 in )*7* and who themselves were a party to the green fund negotiation. A variant of grant with recovery provision is a E1 D million >lobal 0nvironment acility $>0% allocation for C1O"managed biodiversity conservation pro;ect. /he fund was set up after a long process of negotiation between the orld ank and the Philippine government and a group of Philippine 5>Os which formed themselves into a coalition called 5>Os for Integrated Protected Areas $5IPA% in @ecember )**9. Another e3ample is a debt"for"development swap to set up an 5>O"managed trust fund. /his involved the retirement of the entire debt stock of the Philippines owed to 1witzerland, amounting to E19= million. 1ince its creation in 1eptember )**=, the fund has been directly managed by the oundation for a 1ustainable 1ociety $11I% set up by a consortium of Philippine 5>Os for the purpose. 4uch in line with other similar processes and set"ups, this fund was also a product of negotiations between governments and 5>Os in the two countries involved. A number of C1Os are beginning to plunge into more aggressive business ventures in anticipation of sharp decline or withdrawal of e3ternal funding support. /he e3pected economic upturn $before the )**F Asian crisis% had put the country in the low priority in development assistance. 1ome C1Os have started borrowing from former donor partners, and others have themselves gone into banking. /wo e3amples of this are the 5ew ural ank of 1an 8eonardo initiated by the 4anagement and Organization for @evelopment $4O@0% and the 8agawe
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ighland ural ank organized by P4. loating bonds, already practiced by some local government units $8>Es%, is a new thing for C1Os. /he CO@0"5>O, has ;ust ventured into this form of funding using their connection with the 4acapagal"Arroyo government. /his particular initiative of the CO@0"5>O has been criticized by another coalition, the reedom from @ebt Coalition $@C%, as another form of increasing public indebtedness for an already debt"burdened country like the Philippines=. Other groups have criticized such initiative as an immoral and impermissible case of 2rent"seeking-, 2influence"peddling-, or even outright 2plunder-. Corporate foundations are on the rise, as a response to growing popular pressure and demand for corporate social responsibility. rom the )*=s onward, corporate donations have been channeled to organizations like P4. At the height of the resurgence of the revolutionary movement in the )*Fs, these corporate donors decided to set up their own outfit, the Philippine usiness for 1ocial Progress $P1P%, to do community relations and some form of community development. P1P has been sustained through a fund created out of corporate"member contribution e!uivalent to one percent of each member-s yearly profit. Additionally, it has been a ma;or conduit of E1AI@ assistance. A fairly recent trend, some big corporations have been setting up their own foundations and have involved themselves in development and environment issues. 1ome of the more notable e3amples are Ayala oundation and 1hell Philippines oundation, both P1P members. 1ome critics pe;oratively call this 2greenwashing-, a trendy sort of corporate initiative to ac!uire a green image and avoid accounting fully for the environmental costs of corporate practice. Competition for scarce resources is creating a new dynamic among C1Os in the Philippines. ?ealousies and mistrust have resulted in strained relations and difficulties in building coalition around common issues. 0rosion of social capital due to the breakdown of mutual trust is a distinct possibility. 5egative trends notwithstanding, each C1O continues in its own way to make some contributions towards strengthening the civic infrastructure of Philippine society. /he bigger challenge is how these otherwise disparate voices can come together to build a broad social consensus for the sake of the country-s common future.
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ow much do they matterL C1Os in the Philippines do matter in many ways, but especially in influencing the course of development in general. /hey do matter in politics and governance, in the way the economy and society are being run. 1uch is their overall and collective impact. ut different C1Os make differentiated impact which varies according to strategic orientation. ased on such orientation @avid 6orten M)*7* devised a schema of four generations of 5>Os. /he first generation is relief and rehabilitation# the second, local self"reliance# the third, sustainable systems development# and the fourth, massHsocial movements for system change+. /his may imply that the first generation C1Os would have mainly local impact while the fourth generation C1Os would impact on the whole society. /his model may be criticized for being so neat and linear. /he reality of C1Os in the Philippines is more like a mosaic. 1ome C1Os might easily fit in one or other generational category, others might be hard to pigeonhole. As well, the model suggests a kind of progression in consciousness and level of activity. Indeed some C1Os might start off with relief and rehabilitation and then graduate into other orientation through time. erard Clarke M)**7 argues that the impact of Philippine 5>Os is not in the micro but in the shaping of macro politics. /o prove his point he studied the cases of two of the largest primary 5>Os in the country. One is the /ask orce @etainees of the Philippines $/@P%, a human rights organization set up by church activists in )*F: during martial law. /he other is the Philippine ural econstruction 4ovement $P4%, considered one of the first rural development 5>Os organized )*=D by a group of prominent ilipino leaders in education, industry, business and finance. /hese two organizations are archetypes of C1Os in the Philippines. Although they had different beginnings, motivation, focus of attention, style of work, among other differences, the /@P and P4 chose to confront in their own ways the same challenges of human rights and development from the perspective of the oppressed classes and sectors of Philippine society. 4any other C1Os in the Philippines, especially the activist kind, belong in this class. /ake P4 for an illustration. Its roots trace back to what 6orten M)** described as a legendary development movement organized by @r. <. C. ?ames
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warfront in )*)+")*)7 and then later in China. ounded in )*=D, P4 is a civic movement that envisions a society of e!uity and sustainability. /he long future is one where ignorance, poverty, disease, and powerlessness shall have been eradicated and development takes place within the carrying capacity of the environment. P4-s basic strategy addresses the interlocking problems of poverty, environmental degradation, and social conflicts rooted in what it considers a flawed development model. 8ike many other C1Os, P4 is rooted in local action around very specific issues concerning social and environmental ;ustice. Its core field program, called 1ustainable ural @istrict @evelopment Program $1@@P%, seeks to affect through a coalition of efforts some structural change at a certain scale of sustainability at the sub"national level. /he central element of this program is community empowerment, a long and comple3 process designed to bring about the eventual shift of power to the people and their communities. At every step, this process translates into increasing the capacity of communities and local authorities for self"governance and community" based management of resources. /he hope is to be able to install a mode of governance that is accountable to the citizens, can bring about eradication of poverty on site, and improve the living and natural environments. 8ike /@P and many other C1Os, P4 also engages in shaping public policy around the themes of agrarian reform, sustainable agriculture and rural development, foreign debt, trade and O@A, human rights, peace, and environment. /hrough research they are able to fill in information and knowledge gaps between decision"makers and the local communities $4iclat"/eves D%. /he targets for advocacy and lobbying are the national government, bilateral and multilateral agencies, and the corporate sector. P4 helps build networks and coalitions within the country, in the Asian region, and at the global level. /he impact of C1Os is indicated by a plethora of policies and legislation. /ables ) and D list some of the significant social and environmental policies and legislations where the impact of C1Os may be reflected. MM5ot included in the lists are several other policies and legislations on women, children, human rights which certainly reflect the influence of social movements. /able ) lists those that were formulated during the 4arcos era and though they may not be attributed directly to any C1O lobby, given the climate of suppression for much of that period, they nonetheless could be taken as part of a regime-s response to popular pressure. /he citizens- anti"pollution movement in ataan, for e3ample, had
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emerged even prior to the imposition of martial law. 8ikewise, the )*FD 1tockholm Conference, which inspired the environmental legislations of the 4arcos regime, was certainly a response not only to mounting scientific evidence of environmental decay but also to a growing environmental movement worldwide.
/able ). 6ey Policies, 8egislations and Programs during the 4arcos 0ra 4arcos 0ra Q $)*F=% Presidential @ecree F= " orestry Code Q $)*F=% Presidential @ecree F: " isheries Code evised and consolidated all laws and decrees affecting fishing and fisheries in the country Q $)*F+% Presidential @ecree )+F " ater Code Q $)*F+% Presidential @ecree *7: " Pollution Control 8awG Provides guidelines for the prevention, abatement and control of pollution of water, air and land Q $)*FF% Presidential @ecree )D)* " Coral eefs Conservation Q $)*FF% Presidential @ecree ))7) " Behicular 0missions Control 8awG Prevention, control and abatement of air pollution from motor vehicles Q $)*FF% Presidential @ecree ))=) " Philippine 0nvironmental PolicyG irst mention of concept of environmental impact system Q $)*FF% Presidential @ecree ))=) " Philippine 0nvironmental Code G Provides guidelines on land use, air !uality, water !uality, waste management, and natural resources management Q $)*FF% Presidential @ecree 7=+ " 1anitation Code Q $)*F7% Presidential @ecree )=7+ " Philippine 0nvironmental Impact 1tatement 1ystem G 4andates 0I1 for government and private sector pro;ects affecting the !uality of the environment
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Q $)*F*% Presidential Proclamation D):+ " 0nvironmentally critical pro;ects and environmentally critical areas Q $)*7% Presidential @ecree + " 4arine Pollution $)*F+"as amended by P@ )+*7% $Philippines 0nvironment 4onitor D, /he orld ank, ?uly D io in etrospect& /he Philippines and >lobal Agenda D) )**D G )**+, PC1@, )**F%
/able D. 6ey Policies, 8egislations and Programs in Post 4arcos 0ra Post"4arcos 0ra Q $)*7+% Philippine Constitution G /his contains the 1tate-s obligation to protect and advance the right of the people to a balanced and healthful ecology. $Article D, section )= and )+% Q $)*7F% 03ecutive Order )*D G Creation of the @epartment of 0nvironment and 5atural esources Q $)*7F% epublic Act ++=F G Comprehensive Agrarian eform G 03empts lands devoted to reforestation, wildlife, etc. from land conversion Q $)**)% epublic Act FF+ G People-s 1mall 1cale 4ining Program Q $)**)% epublic Act F)+ G 8ocal >overnment Code G 1trengthens the role of 8>Es in the country Q $)**)% atification of the 4ontreal Protocol Q $)**)% Inter Agency Committee on Climate Change Q $)**D% epublic Act FDF*" Erban @evelopment and ousing Act Q $)**D% 03ecutive Order )= " Philippine Council for 1ustainable @evelopment $PC1@% Q $)**D% epublic Act +*+* " /o3ic 1ubstances, azardous and 5uclear aste Q $)**D% epublic Act F=7+ G 5ational Integrated Protected Areas 1ystem $5IPA1%
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Q $)**9% Philippine Population 4anagement Program $PP4P% Q $)**9% Power Crisis Q $)**:% atification of ramework Convention on Climate Change $CCC% Q $)**:% Philippine 1trategy for iodiversity Conservation Q $)**=% ater Crisis Q $)**=% epublic Act F*:D G 4ineral 03ploration, @evelopment and Conservation Q $)**=% epublic Act 7)FD G Act for 1alt Iodization 5ationwide or A1I5 Q $)**=% 1ocial eform Agenda Q $)**=% >athering for uman and 0cological 1ecurity $>01% Q $)**=% 03ecutive Order D:F G ioprospecting Q $)**=% 03ecutive Order D+9 G Community"ased orestry 4anagement 1trategy Q $)**=% Philippine Action Plan for AI/A/ II Q $)**+% Philippine Agenda D) Q $)**+% 03ecutive Order D*) G Improving the 0I1 1ystem established in )*F7 Q $)**F% epublic Act 79F) " Indigenous People-s ights Act Q $)**F% epublic Act 7:9= G Agriculture and isheries 4odernizationR $)**7% epublic Act 7== G isheries Code Q $)***% epublic Act 7F:* G Comprehensive Air Pollution Control Policy $otherwise known as the Clean Air Act% Q $D)% 1olid aste 4anagement Act $Philippines 0nvironment 4onitor D, /he orld ank, ?uly D io in etrospect& /he Philippines and >lobal Agenda D) )**D G )**+, PC1@, )**F%
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/here-s no shortage of policy and legislation on sustainable development in the Philippines. If nothing else, this country would never miss making a law or creating a committee for every problem. @iscourses and debates on sustainable development in the Philippines, though seemingly endless and paralyzing at times, almost always resolve in some policy or a piece of legislation. /his is true from the national level down to the barangay. And if it-s all there is to sustainable development, the country should have been well on its way to sustainability which doesn-t seem to be the case. $Clarke, )**7%
IB. Civil 1ociety and the esponse to >lobalization /he discourse on globalization among civil society groups goes beyond the identification and analyses of policy issues in the new world order. Perhaps the most interesting and most crucial is how civil society has mapped out strategies and e3plored avenues for action and change. /he diverse nature and dynamics of civil society-s relations with the state, as well as collaboration with other nongovernmentHnonprofit actors is in itself suggestive of the breadth of strategies and options. 8ikewise, the role of civil society in the debate is not limited to the mere recognition of the ills and criti!ue of the present system of globalization. ut more significantly, as a transformative unit in society with broad constituency and an actor in governance and democratization, it has played a central function in advancing a people"centered agenda on globalization. It should be recalled that during the deliberations on the >eneral Agreement on /ariffs and /rade"Eruguay ound $>A//"E% Agreement for the Philippines- membership in the orld /rade Organization $/O% in )**:, civil society already figured considerably in advocating for its non"ratification to safeguard the interests of the ma;ority. Civil society organizations $C1Os% utilized different mechanisms of engagement in the debate, which catalyzed and further enhanced its participation in policy"making. 1hared and divergent perspectives on globalization have led to a variety of concrete actions employed, reflecting certain dynamics and processes of engaging institutions of global governance, including the Philippine government. $Ca;iuat and egalado, )***% Civil society has taken center stage in the current debates on globalization. Perhaps this can be attributed to the long history of anti"globalization struggles in the developing world which
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were largely initiated by non"state actors, particularly those which trace their roots to older political and social movements. At the global level, the /O flasco in )*** that has now come to be known as the 'attle in 1eattle( set off alarm bells among global managers on the leverage and capacities of civil society in challenging the conduct of multilateralism. In the Philippines, people-s participation during the >eneral Agreement on /ariffs and /rade"Eruguay ound $>A//"E% ratification and the 4anila People-s orum on the Asia"Pacific 0conomic Cooperation $AP0C% forum in )**+ were ;ust some of the concrete illustrations of the potentials and limitations of civil society in the globalization debate. 8ike the concepts 'civil society( and 'globalization(, civil society-s role in the globalization conundrum has been contentious. 1tudies tackling the interrelatedness of globalization and civil society almost always portray the former as a factor that affects the latter in various ways. Often, civil society is regarded as a counterweight to globalization, as it has been countervailing power on authoritarian states and market power. /here is also a prevalent assertion that when civil society organizes itself globally, it emerges as a social force to resist an assault by institutions of corporate globalizations $6orten, et al., DD%. On the other hand, civil society in neoliberal theory and practice, may be 'an essential condition for the reproduction of of liberal capitalism( $ichards, D& )):%. Civil society takes up diverse positions of the issue which determines their roles in response to globalization. In analogous ways to the typology offered by eld, et al., civil society can be categorized from those who maintain globalization, in whatever form, is beneficial $supporters% to those who oppose any form of intrusion to national sovereignty $re;ectionists%. /here is also a middle position of reformists 'in which a large part of global civil society resides( $Anheier, et al, D)&*% and who accept the realities of the spread of global capitalism and interconnectedness but understand the necessity to ameliorate it, whether through incremental or transformative changes, so that the distribution of its benefits will be more e!ual. Outside this spectrum of strong support and opposition are groups who wish to get out of the globalization process and to pursue their own strategy of development, through self" governing mechanisms G the alternatives $Anheier, et al., D)&F"))%. In addition to responding to particular policies associated with globalization, civil society is seen as being able to contribute to basic principles of democracy and governance, transposed to a global level. Perhaps the most common argument for civil society-s apparent niche in the
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globalization process is that contemporary civil society responds to the democratic deficits in the present blueprint of globalization $1cholte, DD# ello D)%. Alongside this claim emerge other promises $and possibly challenges% of civil society in the conduct of global governanceG increasing public transparency and accountability of key actors. uilding on the premise that global civil society can be posed as a counterweight to globalization, Anheier, et al. $D)&)+% argue that 'if democracy remains confined to the level of the state, while various economic, political and cultural activities are indeed going global, then only a global civil society can call the into account.( ello $D)&DD7% further points out that civil society organizations, as ma;or international actors, underpin an effective internationalism that can 'check the power o political hegenomic forces like the E1 government and transnational corporations.( /he principle of legitimacy, often heralded as the most pivotal foundation of civil society participation on the issue of globalization, is a confluence of the democracy and governance functions. Civil society serves not only as a means of empowerment, but also as a democratic legitimation of the governance of globalization where stakeholders are involved in the arena of global politics. 1cholte $D&DF*% reasons that 'a global trade regime that is legitimated through civil society would have better chances of achieving its aims than a regime that is produced solely by technocrats.( urthermore, the cultural power and identity of civil society serves as a 'moral ascendancy( bestowing 'societal legitimacy( on any corporate or government action $Perlas, )***%
B. 1ocial 4ovements 1ocial movements are purposeful, organized groups striving to work toward a common social goal. hile most of us learned about social movements in history classes, we tend to take for granted the fundamental changes they caused Jand we may be completely unfamiliar with the trend toward global social movement. ut from the anti"tobacco movement that has worked to outlaw smoking in public buildings and raise the cost of cigarettes, to uprisings throughout the Arab world, contemporary movements create social change on a global scale. 4ovements happen in our towns, in our nation, and around the world. /he following e3amples of social movements range from local to global. 5o doubt you can think of others on
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all of these levels, especially since modern technology has allowed us a near"constant stream of information about the !uest for social change around the world.
A. /ypes of 1ocial 4ovements e know that social movements can occur on the local, national, or even global stage. Are there other patterns or classifications that can help us understand themL 1ociologist @avid Aberle $)*++% addresses this !uestion, developing categories that distinguish among social movements based on what they want to change and how much change they want. eform movements seek to change something specific about the social structure. 03amples include anti" nuclear groups, 4others Against @runk @riving $4A@@%, and the 5ational Action Committee on the 1tatus of omen $5AC%. evolutionary movements seek to completely change every aspect of society. /hese would include Cuban D+th of ?uly 4ovement $under idel Castro%, the )*+s counterculture movement, as well as anarchist collectives. edemptive movements are 'meaning seeking,( and their goal is to provoke inner change or spiritual growth in individuals. Organizations pushing these movements might include Alcoholics Anynymous, 5ew Age, or Christian fundamentalist groups. Alternative movements are focused on self"improvement and limited, specific changes to individual beliefs and behaviour. /hese include groups like the 1low ood movement, Planned Parenthood, and barefoot ;ogging advocates. esistance movements seek to prevent or undo change to the social structure. /he 6u 6lu3 6lan and pro"life movements fall into this category. . 1tages of 1ocial 4ovements 8ater sociologists studied the life cycle of social movementsJhow they emerge, grow, and in some cases, die out. lumer $)*+*% and /illy $)*F7% outline a four"stage process. In the preliminary stage, people become aware of an issue and leaders emerge. /his is followed by the coalescence stage when people ;oin together and organize in order to publicize the issue and raise awareness. In the institutionalization stage, the movement no longer re!uires grassroots volunteerism& it is an established organization, typically peopled with a paid staff. hen people fall away, adopt a new movement, the movement successfully brings about the change it sought,
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or people no longer take the issue seriously, the movement falls into the decline stage. 0ach social movement discussed earlier belongs in one of these four stages. C. /heoretical Perspectives on 1ocial 4ovements 4ost theories of social movements are called collective action theories, indicating the purposeful nature of this form of collective behaviour. /he following three theories are but a few of the many classic and modern theories developed by social scientists. esource mobilization theory focuses on the purposive, organizational strategies that social movements need to engage in to successfully mobilize support, compete with other social movements and opponents, and present political claims and grievances to the state. raming theory focuses on the way social movements make appeals to potential supporters by framing or presenting their issues in a way that aligns with commonly held values, beliefs, and commonsense attitudes. 5ew social movement theory focuses on the uni!ue !ualities that define the 'newness( of postmaterialist social movements like the >reen, feminist, and peace movements. ). esource 4obilization 1ocial movements will always be a part of society as long as there are aggrieved populations whose needs and interests are not being satisfied. owever, grievances do not become social movements unless social movement actors are able to create viable organizations, mobilize resources, and attract large"scale followings. As people will always weigh their options and make rational choices about which movements to follow, social movements necessarily form under finite competitive conditions& competition for attention, financing, commitment, organizational skills, etc. 5ot only will social movements compete for our attention with many other concernsJfrom the basic $our ;obs or our need to feed ourselves% to the broad $video games, sports, or television%, but they also compete with each other. or any individual, it may be a simple matter to decide you want to spend your time and money on animal shelters and Conservative Party politics versus homeless shelters and the 5ew @emocratic Party. /he !uestion is, however, which animal shelter or which Conservative candidateL /o be successful, social movements must develop the organizational capacity to mobilize resources $money, people, and skills% and compete with other organizations to reach their goals.
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4cCarthy and Sald $)*FF% conceptualize resource mobilization theory as a way to e3plain a movement-s success in terms of its ability to ac!uire resources and mobilize individuals to achieve goals and take advantage of political opportunities. or e3ample, P0/A, a social movement organization, is in competition with >reenpeace and the Animal 8iberation ront $A8%, two other social movement organizations. /aken together, along with all other social movement organizations working on animals rights issues, these similar organizations constitute a social movement industry. 4ultiple social movement industries in a society, though they may have widely different constituencies and goals, constitute a society-s social movement sector. 0very social movement organization $a single social movement group% within the social movement sector is competing for your attention, your time, and your resources. /he chart in igure D).* shows the relationship between these components.
D. ramingHrame Analysis /he sudden emergence of social movements that have not had time to mobilize resources, or vice versa, the failure of well"funded groups to achieve effective collective action, calls into !uestion the emphasis on resource mobilization as an ade!uate e3planation for the formation of social movements. Over the past several decades, sociologists have developed the concept of frames to e3plain how individuals identify and understand social events and which norms they
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should follow in any given situation $enford and 1now D# >offman )*F:# 1now et al. )*7+%. A frame is a way in which e3perience is organized conceptually. Imagine entering a restaurant.
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movements and merge into a single group, a frame alignment process $1now et al. )*7+% occurs Jan ongoing and intentional means of recruiting a diversity of participants to the movement. or e3ample, Carroll and atner $)**+% argue that using a social ;ustice frame makes it possible for a diverse group of social movementsJunion movements, environmental movements, aboriginal ;ustice movements, gay rights movements, anti"poverty movements, etc.Jto form effective coalitions even if their specific goals do not typically align. /his frame alignment process involves four aspects& bridging, amplification, e3tension, and transformation. ridging describes a 'bridge( that connects uninvolved individuals and unorganized or ineffective groups with social movements that, though structurally unconnected, nonetheless share similar interests or goals. /hese organizations ;oin together creating a new, stronger social movement organization. In the amplification model, organizations seek to e3pand their core ideas to gain a wider, more universal appeal. y e3panding their ideas to include a broader range, they can mobilize more people for their cause. or e3ample, the 1low ood movement e3tends its arguments in support of local food to encompass reduced energy consumption and reduced pollution, plus reduced obesity from eating more healthfully, and other benefits. In e3tension, social movements agree to mutually promote each other, even when the two social movement organization-s goals do not necessarily relate to each other-s immediate goals. /his often occurs when organizations are sympathetic to each others- causes, even if they are not directly aligned, such as women-s e!ual rights and the civil rights movement. /ransformation involves a complete revision of goals. Once a movement has succeeded, it risks losing relevance. If it wants to remain active, the movement has to change with the transformation or risk becoming obsolete. or instance, when the women-s suffrage movement gained women the right to vote, they turned their attention to e!ual rights and campaigning to elect women. In short, it is an evolution to the e3isting diagnostic or prognostic frames generally involving a total conversion of movement. 9. 5ew 1ocial 4ovement /heory
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5ew social movement theory emerged in the )*Fs to e3plain the proliferation of postindustrial, !uality"of"life movements that are difficult to analyze using traditional social movement theories $4elucci )*7*%. ather than being based on the grievances of particular groups striving to influence political outcomes or redistribute material resources, new social movements $514s% like the peace and disarmament, environmental, and feminist movements focus on goals of autonomy, identity, self"realization, and !uality"of"life issues. As the >erman >reen Party slogan of the )*7s suggestsJ'e are neither right nor left, but ahead(Jthe appeal of the new social movements also tends to cut across traditional class, party politics, and socioeconomic affiliations to politicize aspects of everyday life traditionally seen as outside politics. 4oreover, the movements themselves are more fle3ible, diverse, shifting, and informal in participation and membership than the older social movements, often preferring to adopt nonhierarchical modes of organization and unconventional means of political engagement $such as direct action%. 4elucci $)**:% argues that the commonality that designates these diverse social movements as 'new( is the way in which they respond to systematic encroachments on the lifeworld, the shared inter"sub;ective meanings and common understandings that form the backdrop of our daily e3istence and communication. /he dimensions of e3istence that were formally considered private $e.g., the body, se3uality, interpersonal affective relations%, sub;ective $e.g., desire, motivation, and cognitive or emotional processes%, or common $e.g., nature, urban spaces, language, information, and communicational resources% are increasingly sub;ect to social control, manipulation, commodification, and administration. owever, as 4elucci $)**:% argues, these are precisely the areas where individuals and groups lay claim to their autonomy, where they conduct their search for identity and construct the meaning of what they are and what they do.
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Conclusion e have identified two basic modalities of the process of change and development. /here are, in effect, two fundamental intellectual and political pro;ects at playJ(another development( and 'social transformation(Jboth at odds with the economic model of neoliberal capitalist development and its associated pro;ect of globalization. In the mainstream of development thought and practice, there is no !uestion about pursuing the path of social transformation. owever, it is possible to identify a number of permutations in the search for an alternative form of development, including efforts to secure sustainable livelihoods of people in the rural sector. @espite $or perhaps because of% its reformist orientation as well as its commitment to allay the negative effects of neoliberal policies and the associated pro;ect of globalization and structural ad;ustment, the 18A arguably has the greatest potential and prospects for bringing about an appreciable improvement in the !uality of life of the rural poor. /he reason for this is that the political conditions for a revolutionary path toward development are simply not available and not likely to result from a confrontational political approach. Protest against the system and policies in place is one thing, even where the capacity to mobilize oppositional forces in the popular sector into a united front e3ists. ut to bring about the changes needed to open up a revolutionary path toward development is something altogether different.
