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many instances of both men and women healed and restored through the prac ir i¯ ¯ . However, the vital point for feminist scholarship is that h. a¯ z. ir ir i¯ ¯ tice of h. a¯ z. ir heals and restores by shifting the discourse surrounding the location of agency from person to place. What might feminist scholarship look like if this shift were incorporated into its critical apparatus creatively? In the case of the analysis of h. a¯ z. ir ir i¯ ¯ , doing so has led us to a more accurate understanding of how agency ultimately is restored to both its male and female practitioners. If the case of h. a¯ z. ir ir i¯ ¯ is any indication, in the South Asian cultural context, concern for the welfare of women and scholarship scholarship that seeks to understand understand their their lives are not always best best served by an exclusive focus on women or on theorizing their subjectivity.
Goddess God dess Ta ¯ ra ¯ : Silence Silen ce and Secrec S ecrecy y on the th e Path Path to Enlighte Enli ghtenmen nment t
Susan S. Landesman
The enlightened mind that perceives reality from an ultimate viewpoint transcends notions of gender, according to the Buddha’s teachings. Based upon a belief in life’s fundamental impermanence, all phenomena are viewed as de void of permanent natures. natures. From this perspective, dualistic dualistic conceptions conceptions of the body,, including its male and female body femal e components, and the range of values associassoci ated with gendered identity, are not considered “intrinsic” to a person’s being nor are they issues of concern in the process of realization, for “it is the stream of consciousness that becomes enlightened, having fully comprehended the sense objects.” 1 Despite these philosophical ideals, socially engrained biases fa voring men still still persisted persisted within the early early Buddhist Buddhist monastic community community.. With an aim to chall c hallenge enge these th ese views, vie ws, Goddes G oddesss Ta Ta¯ra¯ was promot pr omoted ed as one of the t he earliearl iest enlightened female role models within the Buddhist tantras. 2 The major maj or canonica can onicall source sour ce for the t he Ta Ta¯ra¯ cult cult’’s formativ form ativee period peri od in India In dia is the ritual compendium with the abbreviated title Ta¯ ra¯ -m -mu u¯la-kalpa (Ta¯ ra¯ ’s Bas Basic Ritual Text), hereafter referred to as the TMK. 3 The Sanskrit text, believed 1
The Sa nskr it reads: read s: “vi “ visaya saya¯ vabo vabodha dha¯ d vijña vijñ a¯ nam budd ha ity it y upadis upad is´ yate,” from fr om the
Lan. ka¯ vata¯ ra ra--su¯ tr traa, v. 140.6, 140.6, quoted in Alex A lex Wayman, Wayman, “Buddhist “ Buddhist Dependent Origination and the t he . Sa¯ m. khya Gun.as,” Ethnos (1962): 14–22. The La Lan nka¯ v at ataa¯ra ra-- su¯ tr traa is believed to have been composed as early as the latter half hal f of the fourth century. See Hajime Nakamura, Indian Buddhism: A Survey with Bibliographical Notes, vol. 1, Buddhist Traditions Series (Delhi: (Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass, Bana rsidass,
1987), 231. 2 The tantras comprise a body of esoteric teachings and practices, “emphasizing cogn itive transformation through visualization, visuali zation, symbols, and ritual,” r itual,” as noted in John Powers, Introduction to Tibetan Tibe tan Budd B uddhism hism (Ithaca, NY: N Y: Snow Lion Publications, 1995), 219. The The earliest tantras ta ntras were
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to have been composed in the seventh century, was translated into Tibetan in the fourteenth century by Bu-ston, classified as a kriya¯ tantra, and added to the Tibetan canon ( bKa’ ‘gyur ).4 Although the TMK’s Sanskrit text is no longer extant, and its lineage of teachings appears to have been broken due to its lack of commentaries, the text’s importance for scholarship remains. Analysis of the TMK’s contents reveals the strategies through which female role models were promoted within early tantric Buddhist rituals, art, and thought. The TMK features Ta¯ra¯ as the central object of ritual practice and religious devotion, although her persona is promoted, in part, by adopting the epithets, iconography, and functions of enlightened male bodhisattvas and Buddhas as they have been portrayed in earlier Buddhist scriptures. This is not a particularly feminist means of promoting a female figure. Still, Ta¯ra¯’s status in the text underscores her importance within Buddhist tradition: she is the first female Buddha within tantric literature. Her epithet, Bhagavat ¯ i, exclusively reserved for the most elevated among enlightened beings (tenth-stage bodhisattvas and Buddhas), underscores her enlightened status. Ta¯ra¯ follows a tradition of strong female role models, beginning in the ancient Vedic period (second millennium BCE), and sustained through early Maha¯ya¯na times (0–400 CE). Many of these goddesses were and still are worshiped for protection from danger. 5 Others are revered as the embodiment of wisdom. For example, some of Ta¯ra¯’s important functions can be traced to those of Goddess Pra¯jña¯pa¯ramita¯, the personification of wisdom realizing emptiness, as delineated in the Perfection of Wisdom scriptures ( Pra¯jña¯pa¯ramita¯ - sa¯tras). Furthermore, Pra¯jña¯pa¯ramita¯ and Ta¯ra¯ are both referred to as mothers of all Buddhas, since Buddhas are born from wisdom. 6 Another rationale for the emergence of female role models within the Buddhist tantras springs from the nature of tantric practice: deities whom ritual participants emulated and worshipped were and still are envisioned in mother-father pairs. These pairs are depicted with differing levels of desire, from gazing, (Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass, 2008). The Tibetan text that served as the basis for this study is entitled Ral pa gyen brdzes kyi rtog pa chen po byang chub sems dpa’ chen po’i rnam par ‘phrul pa le’u rab ‘byams las bcom ldan ‘das ma ‘phags pa sGrol-ma’i-r tsa-ba’i-rtog-pa zhes bya ba (published in The sTog Palace Manuscript of the Tibetan Kanjur , volume 107 [MA] [Leh: Smanrtsis Shesrig Dpemzod, 1975–1980]). 4 Bu-ston was the celebrated editor of the Tibetan canon’s first comprehensive and definitive block-printed edition of commentaries, The Tanjur ( bsTan ‘gyur ) and translator of twenty-three commentarial works included therein. He may have also made important contributions to the editing of the Tibetan scriptural collection The Kanjur ( bKa’ ‘gyur ). See D. S. Ruegg, “The Life of Bu Ston Rinpoche,” Serie Orientale Roma 34 (1966): 18–35, 181–85 ; and Helmut Eimer, “Ein Jahrzehnt Studien zur Überlieferung des Tibetischen Kanjur,” Wiener Studien zur Tibetologie und
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smiling, and touching to sexual embrace. Accordingly, these levels of desire correlate with a practitioner’s ability to harness desire and direct it toward the generation of a subtler and more powerful consciousness realizing the wisdom of emptiness ( s´unyata¯ ).7 The goals of tantric practice echo the opening statement of this essay: enlightened consciousness transcends dualistic thinking, including the male-female dichotomy. Furthermore, since Buddhist teachings claim that all living beings contain the seeds of Buddhahood, and the potential for enlightenment, Buddhist enlightenment is not a distinctly feminist enterprise, although it can be construed as inclusive and supportive of feminist ideals. A widely held yet unproven theory is that the veneration of Goddess Ta¯ra¯ originated from an ancient star cult that guided seafarers across dangerous waters under a dark night sky. 8 This theory may be based, in part, upon the meaning of ta¯ra¯ as “star,” derived from the verb “tr. ” meaning to cross, as a star crosses the night sky. An extension of Ta¯ra¯’s hypothetical origin as a nocturnal celestial guide is her role in Buddhist sources as a protector of humans from various external dangers, such as ocean waves, floods, fires, epidemics, wild beasts, and serpents. Over time, Ta¯ra¯ became renowned as a feminine symbol of the inner light of spiritual liberation, in which capacity she guided worshippers to overcome inner obstacles to enlightenment, including the afflictive emotions of desire and anger, as well as the fundamental cause of suffering: ignorance of the true nature of reality. 9 The TMK elaborates these points. Just as this mantra practice shall become the cause for the perfection of wisdom for sentient beings, so shall it dispel all dangers of quarrels, disputes, famine, disease, opposing armies, untimely rainfall, sinful human and non-human beings, and wild animals. . . . Blessed Noble Ta¯ra¯ , who assumes the guise and form of a woman, shall dispel robbers, floods, famines, and various injuries. She shall pacify all dangers [resulting from] kings, lions, tigers, buffalo, wolves, poison, robbers, humans, and non-humans. She shall also make all sentient beings who are skillful in the ritual of reciting mantras fulfill [a desire for] various kinds Tenzin Gyatso, The Kalachakra Tantra: The Rite of Initiation, trans. Jeffrey Hopkins (London: Wisdom Publications, 1985), 34 –36. 8 Among the first to propound this theory were Godefroy de Blonay, Matériaux pour servir a l’Histoire de la Déesse Buddhique Ta¯ra¯ (Paris: Library Émile Bouillon, 1895), 1–65, esp. 62; and Hirananda Shastri, “The Origin and Cult of Ta¯ra¯,” Memoirs of the Archaeological Survey of India 20 (1925), 1–27, esp. 5–7, 20. 9 Early sources for Ta ¯ ra¯’s role as protector from external dangers are the sixth-century Vairocana-abhisam . bodhi-tantra and seventh-century Ta¯ra¯-mu¯la-kalpa . The internal dangers are discussed in a fifteenth-century commentary by the first Dalai Lama Panchen dGe ‘dun grub entitled 7
Rje btsun bcom ldan ‘ das ma seng ldeng nags kyi sgrol ma la bstod pa mkhas pa’ i gtsug rgyan zhes
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of sensual pleasures, such as medicines, flowers, flavorful fruits, drinks, clothes, places, beddings, and seats, etc. And she shall make all sentient beings—who wish for the Dharma [teachings]—apply themselves to the practice of the virtuous Dharma. 10
In spite of the obscure beginnings of the Ta¯ra¯ cult within Indian sources, a Tibetan legend records her rise to fame, with specific reference to her female embodiment. Formerly, in beginningless time, in the world realm called “Manifold Light,” there arose the Tatha¯gata Lord called Dundubhisvara, Sound of the Drum. Also living there was the king’s daughter called Jña¯nacandra¯, Moon of Wisdom, who greatly revered the Tatha¯gata’s discourse. She worshipped the Buddha, together with his retinue, an infinite community of S´ ra¯vakas and Bodhisattvas, for hundreds of millions of years. . . . At that time, a group of monks implored her, “If you aspire to serve the teachings of the Buddha, due to your own roots of virtue, you will become a man in this very life. In order for it to turn out that way, it is proper to do so accordingly.” 11
After engaging in dialogue with these monks, the king’s daughter challenged conventional social biases favoring men by offering a rationale for her necessity to remain in female bodhisattva form. There is neither man nor woman nor self nor person-hood nor notion of such. Attachment to [the designations] “male and female” is meaningless and deludes worldly people with poor understanding. She then vowed: Many desire enlightenment in a man’s body, while not even a single [person] strives for the benefit of sentient beings in a woman’s body. Therefore, I shall work for the benefit of sentient beings in a woman’s form as long as samsara has not been emptied.12
Ancient Pali sources also provide controversial evidence regarding women’s spiritual capacities. Although Buddha S´ a¯kyamuni is depicted rejecting his stepmother’s requests that women join the monastic community ( sangha), he
Oral Mantra. Emphasis added. TMK, 502b-2 to 503a-4, Hayagr ¯i va’s Blo-bzang Sbyin pa, Dkyil khang Mkhan Zur Blo-bzang sbyin pa, The Collected Works, 4 vols. (Delhi: Chos ‘phel legs ldan, 1979), 1: fol. 522 (3a): “lus ‘di nyid la skyes par gyur te.” 12 Jaya Pandita, The Collected Works of Jaya Pan d ita (Blo -bzang h phrin-las), 4 vols., ed. .. .. . Lokesh Chandra (New Delhi: International Academy of Indian Culture, 1981), 1: fol. 221b-3–5 (S´ ata-Pit.aka Series of Indo-Asian Literatures, vol. 278). In contrast to the spirit of this vow, its
10
11
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also openly supported women’s potential for enlightenment. 13 Despite extant records of these dialogues in various scriptural sources, Therava¯din monks had already begun disputing women’s potential for enlightenment only three centuries after the Buddha’s passage beyond suffering ( parinirvana).14 In response to such socially engrained gender biases within the monastic community, Princess Jña¯nacandra¯ is portrayed in Ta¯ra¯’s legend as the first woman to pursue enlightenment out of a profound sense of compassion to help others. Additionally, she undertakes the unique bodhisattva vow to remain in female form in all subsequent lifetimes—working to alleviate suffering. Thus, the princess drew upon conventional truth (in this case, gendered assumptions) to challenge gender biases, as well as “ultimate” truth to underscore the notion that gender lacks intrinsic value and is therefore unreal. Ultimately, the princess was able to actualize her bodhisattva vow through daily efforts to liberate countless beings. Her success led to the prophecy that as long as she manifested unexcelled, perfect enlightenment, she would be referred to as Goddess Ta¯ra¯. 15 Ta¯ra¯’s legendary past as a princess pursing enlightenment highlights the asThe state of spiritual accomplishment that the Buddha claims women are capable of reaching is that of the arhat, indicating one who has conquered the enemy passions and thus eliminated defilements causing suffering. See Susan Murcott, First Buddhist Women (Berkeley: Parallax Press, 1991), 16–17, quoting the Cullavagga, X.3.1. 14 A passage exemplifying developed Therava¯ da monastic thought appears in Buddhadatta Thera’s fifth-century commentary on the Buddhavam. sa (Lineage of the Buddhas) entitled Madhuratthavila¯sin i¯ (Clarifier of the Sweet Meaning ), trans. I. B. Horner (London: Pali Text Society, 1978), 132–33, v. 91.59. “The aspiration of one who is aspiring to Buddhahood succeeds . . . only for one who is of the male sex. It does not succeed for women or for eunuchs, the sexless, or hermaphrodites. And why is that? [It is] because there is no completeness of characteristics. Accordingly, it was said in detail: ‘It is impossible, monks, it cannot come to pass that a woman who is an arhat can be a perfect Buddha.’ Therefore, for one of the female sex, even though she may be of human birth, the aspiration [for enlightenment] does not succeed.” Yuichi Kajiyama discusses this point in “ Women in Buddhism,” Eastern Buddhist, 2nd ser., 15, no. 2 (1982): 53–70, esp. 65–66, wherein the author proposes that Buddhadatta Thera is referring to the major characteristics of a Great Person. The “Great Person” is a reference to a Maha¯purus´a, which refers to a Buddha, S´ iva, Brahma¯, Ma¯ra, etc.,] who displayed special marks or characteristics at birth. Among these characteristics, women lack “the male sexua l organ hidden in recess” ( kos´opagatavastiguhya). In this case, a “complete set” would imply that the male sex is a prerequisite for enlightenment; however, Kajiyama reveals that monks never openly stated this point. 15 Although this legend is preserved in the fifteenth- and sixteenth-century writings of Ta¯rana¯tha and Jaya Pan. d.ita, there are many earlier sources in which women undertake vows to uphold and promulgate the Dharma teachings, aspire toward enlightenment, and guide others toward the same goal. Earlier references appear in the third-century Buddhist source “Queen ¯la ¯ S´ r ¯ i Ma¯la¯’s Ten Great Vows and Three All-inclusive Aspirations,” Lion’s Roar of Queen S´ r ¯i ma (S´ r ¯i ma ¯la ¯devã-sim. hana¯da-su¯tra), trans. Alex Wayman and Hideko Wayman (New York: Columbia University Press, 64–68). See also Entry into the Realm of Reality: The Text [Gan.d.avyu¯ha-su¯tra] 13
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sertion of female identity within a social milieu favoring men. The princess’s triumph reflects a Maha¯ya¯na critique of the orthodox Therava¯da tradition whose monks harbored attachments to notions of gender. Similarly, Ta¯ra¯’s promotion within the early Buddhist tantras encountered an established predominance of male figures. However, the anonymous author of the TMK used this widely known male presence as a means of promoting feminine identity. Based upon textual evidence, just as Ta¯ra¯’s major functions in the TMK can be traced to portrayals of Buddhist goddesses in third-century Buddhist su¯tras, her mode of presentation was heavily influenced by the earlier Buddhist tantras featuring male bodhisattvas and Buddhas. 16 Furthermore, why does Avalokites´vara (the bodhisattva of compassion) assume such a pervasive role in the TMK, even though Ta¯ra¯ is the featured deity? 17 Is Ta¯ra¯ merely modeled after enlightened male figures or is she assuming the status, functions, and iconography of her male counterparts on a new and independent basis? Evidence from three important tantras will be discussed below to show how they informed the composition of the TMK and the portrayal of Ta¯ra¯ therein. In addition, a discussion of selected passages from the TMK will elucidate Bodhisattva Avalokites´vara’s role in the text. Ta¯ra¯ and the Ta¯ra¯-mu¯la-kalpa
As mentioned above, the Ta¯ra¯-mu¯la-kalpa (TMK), comprising approximately four hundred double-sided folios, is the largest tantric scripture associated with the Ta¯ra¯ cult’s formative period in India. As a ritual compendium, the TMK documents the multitude of Ta¯ra¯’s earliest epithets, iconographic forms, and functions within the rites of the man.d.ala, paintings on cloth ( pat.a), and burnt offerings ( homa). Ta¯ra¯’s supreme status in the TMK as an enlightened female Buddha is inferred by her most frequently occurring epithet, Bhaga vat ¯ i A¯ rya Ta¯ra¯ (Blessed Noble Ta¯ra¯). The name Ta¯ra¯ indicates her impartiality in taming all “motherly” sentient beings and her compassion in liberating them from the ocean of suffering. 18 As a noble one ( a¯rya), she has reached the Ta¯ra¯’s major functions have been traced to goddesses in the second-century Prajña¯ pa¯ramita¯-su¯tra and third-century Gan.d.avyu¯ha -su¯tra. For further discussion, see Landesman, Great Secret of Ta¯ ra¯ , chaps. 2 and 3. As well, Ta¯ra¯’s mode of presentation reflects aspects of Mañjus´r ¯ i in the MMK and Vairocana in the VAT. The MMK, Mañjus´r ¯i -mu¯la-kalpa , is a tantra re vering the bodhisattva of wisdom Mañjus´ r ¯ i, whereas the Vairocana-abhisam. bodhi-tantra is a text featuring Buddha Vairocana. 17 I use the word deity here to refer to luminous beings that embody “the inalterable reality of the mind of enlightenment.” In the TMK, Ta¯ra¯ is simultaneously a tantric deity and a Buddha. 18 Blo-bzang Sbyin pa, Collected Works. Blo-bzang Sbyin pa was the head abbot ( mkhan po) 16
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“path of vision,” having eliminated nonvirtuous action and having transcended the fault of attachment to notions of samsara and nirvana. 19 As a Blessed One (Bhagavat ¯ i), Ta¯ra¯ assumes the spiritual status reserved exclusively for the most advanced bodhisattvas and Buddhas. The Tibetan rendering of the epithet Bhagavat ¯ i (Tibetan: lcom ldan ‘das ma) provides added meaning as one who has conquered ( bcom) Ma¯ra,20 who possesses ( ldan) all good qualities, and who has transcended ( ‘das) suffering in samsara. 21 As a Bhagavat ¯ i, Ta¯ra¯ is a female Buddha who is “spontaneously present, . . . abiding in the naturally present, pristine cognition without the thoughts of the three times (past, present, future).” Ta¯ra¯’s association with Buddhahood is also supported by the role of sacred speech syllables (vidya¯, which I also define as a charm) used to evoke her presence. Throughout the TMK, Ta¯ra¯ is popularly evoked by the essence incantation “Om. Ta¯re tutta¯re ture sva¯ha¯”(Om Ta¯ra¯, who rescues from suffering, the quick one we hail!). These ten Sanskrit syllables are praised for fulfilling “the purpose of the prosperity, happiness, and aims of sentient beings, and to show favor to gods and humanity.” These syllables are also referred to as the “essence incantation of all the Buddhas promoted throughout the billion world galaxy.” 22 Thus, by evoking Ta¯ra¯’s presence, they evoke all Buddhas in the same way that the Vedic goddess of speech Va¯c accompanies all the gods. 23 Throughout the TMK, Ta¯ra¯’s multiple aspects are visually portrayed in paintings on cloth ( thangkas) and powdered colors on flat surfaces (mandalas). In these images, Ta¯ra¯ assumes the form of a golden goddess who bestows prosperity and protects worshippers from various dangers, a white goddess who wards off military danger and disease, a green goddess who spreads compas-
Ibid. Here the text reads: “de yang mthong spang me dge ba las ring du gyur cing / ‘khor ‘das kyi skyon las ‘phags pas na ‘phags ma.” The implications of this statement are explained by the following verse from the Abhisamaya¯lan. kara, chap. 1, v. 11: “Due to wisdom, [the bodhisattva] does not abide in samsara, due to compassion, [the bodhisattva] does not abide in nirvana” (Skt. prajñaya¯ na bhave / kr.paya¯ na s´ ame; Tib. shes pas srid la mi gnas / snying rjes zhi la me gnas). 20 Ma ¯ ra is the embodiment of death, and his name is derived from the verb root mr . , “to die.” His role is to bind beings in samsara. In the visual image of the wheel of life, Ma¯ra is depicted with his hands tightly gripping the wheel, indicating his control over all who exist in the continual cycle of birth and death. 21 See Heart of Wisdom, trans. Geshe Kelsang Gyatso (London: Tharpa Publications, 1985), 4–6. 22 The word Tatha¯gata is an epithet for a Buddha. In Sanskrit, the word for “essence incantation” is hr . daya-vidya¯ ; in Tibetan, it is rig pa’i snying po. See TMK, sTog Palace Manuscript of the Tibetan Kanjur , vol. 107 (MA), fol. 284b–1ff. for the quote from the text. 19
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sion without partiality, and a black, wrathful protector who guards the entry to a mandala.24 Mañjus´ r i¯ and the Mañjus´ri-mu¯la-kalpa
Three noteworthy aspects of the tantra entitled Mañjus´ r ¯i-mu¯la-kalpa (Mañ jus´r ¯ i’s Basic Ritual Text, MMK), apply to the study of Ta¯ra¯ in the TMK. These include the MMK’s role as the basis of the initial chapters of the TMK, its initial iconographic depictions of Ta¯ra¯ as a golden protector from danger, and the depiction of Mañjus´r ¯ i as a golden bodhisattva of wisdom. The first thirteen chapters (first layer) of the TMK are a virtual rewriting of the corresponding chapters from the MMK, a ritual compendium featuring the bodhisattva of wisdom Mañjus´r ¯ i. The anonymous author of the TMK replaced the major personages, place names, mantras, and mudra¯s (spiritual hand gestures) of the MMK with personages, place names, vidya¯s, and mudra¯s pertaining to the cult of Ta¯ra¯. One may hypothesize that there was a deliberate attempt to substantiate the importance of the Ta¯ra¯ cult and the TMK by having its initial layer modeled after a corresponding section of the MMK, or another unnamed text upon which both the MMK and TMK were based. 25 The MMK contains one of the earliest descriptions of Ta¯ra¯ as a golden protector from danger. Herein, she is referred to as Noble Ta¯ra¯ (A ¯ rya Ta¯ra¯), the goddess who is the compassion of Avalokites´vara, who destroys obstacles and grants boons, and who is the mother of the resplendent Prince Mañjus´r ¯ i.26 A nearly identical description of Ta¯ra¯ is found in the TMK, with the exception that Ta¯ra¯ is identified as a goddess who performs great rites associated with the illustrious bodhisattva rather than as Prince Mañjus´r ¯ i’s mother.27 It appears that the TMK’s author wished to emphasize Ta¯ra¯’s compassionate bodhisattva Ta¯ra¯ ’s white form in the TMK reflects her later evolution as the popular white Ta¯ra¯ who promotes health and long life. Her green form, which is a distinctly Buddhist conception, is the most frequently occurring aspect in the latter half of the TMK. See Landesman, Great Secret of Ta¯ra¯ , which surveys Ta¯ra¯’s green forms (191–97). For her description as a black wrathful protector, see TMK, sTog Palace Manuscript of the Tibetan Kanjur , vol. 107 (MA), 482b-4ff to 483a-5. 25 Marcel Lalou, “The Mañjus´ r ¯ ¯lakalpa,” Harvard Journal of Asiatic imu¯lakalpa et Ta¯ra¯mu Studies (1936): 3– 4, 327–47. 26 MMK, Sanskrit text entitled Maha¯ya¯na-su ¯tra-sam. graha, pt. 2, The Mañjus´r ¯i -mu¯la-kalpa , ed. P. L Vaidya, Buddhist Sanskrit Texts 18 (Darbhanga: Mithila Institute, 1964), 45, lines 20–31. The text reads: “dev ¯ ima¯ rya¯valokites´varakarun.a¯m. . . . sarvavighnagha¯tak ¯ i dev ¯ i . . . varada¯yika¯m . . . kuma¯ rasyeha ma¯ta¯ dev ¯ i mañjughosasya maha¯dyuteh. .” The composition of the MMK was possibly completed by the mid- to late eighth century, although its earliest layers of writing may have been composed as early as the seventh century. 24
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activity, reinforced by her relationship with Avalokites´vara, instead of her role as mother and progenitor of Mañjus´r ¯ i’s enlightened wisdom. An important iconographic parallel between Ta¯ra¯ and Mañjus´r ¯ i appears in the second chapter of their respective texts (TMK and MMK). Herein, each figure is featured in the center of an elaborate mandala, a sacred image made of powdered colors. They share many details of their attire and pose: both are seated on a lotus throne within a jeweled celestial palace; both hold a myrobalan fruit in the right hand and a blue lotus ( utpala) in the left; and both are adorned with the ornaments of a youth. 28 These shared features suggest that the TMK’s anonymous author made a deliberate attempt to model Ta¯ra¯’s initial iconographic depiction in the TMK after a formerly established and apparently well-known aspect of the male bodhisattva of wisdom, Mañjus´r ¯ i. These visual parallels may have served as a means of promoting the worship of Ta¯ra¯ within a growing tantric milieu through evoking visual memories associated with pre viously established male figures of worship. Further evidence to support this notion is presented below. Vairocana and the Vairocana-abhisam . bodhi-tantra
Vairocana is one of the five primordial Buddhas associated with early tantric ritual practice and the main deity of one of the earliest tantric scriptures, the Vairocana-abhisam . bodhi-tantra (VAT). The importance of this text to the study of the TMK is based upon the large number of deities (luminous enlightened beings) that it shares with the TMK and the iconographic parallels noted in a depiction of Vairocana (in the VAT) and Ta¯ra¯ (in the TMK). Alex Wayman first documented the close relationship between the VAT and the TMK, observing that the rituals in these texts contain many of the same enlightened Buddhist figures referred to as “deities.” Wayman also maintained that Avalokites´vara’s four female companions in the VAT (green Ta¯ra¯, Bhr. kut. ¯ i, Pa¯n.d.arava¯sin ¯ i, and Yas´odhara¯) should be considered “Ta¯ra¯s,” and that their worship eventually gave rise to the cults of the green, white, red, and golden Ta¯ra¯s. 29 Evidence from the TMK supports this point. 30 Parallels appear when one compares the initial iconographic descriptions
P. L. Vaidya, Mañjus´ r ¯i -mu¯la-kalpa (hereafter MMK), 29, lines 3– 6. Also see TMK fol. 174a-2 to 6. 29 The Enlightenment of Vairocana, trans. Alex Wayman and R. Tajima (Delhi: Motilal 28
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of Vairocana (in the VAT) and Ta¯ra¯ (in the TMK). 31 Both are centrally located in their respective mandala palaces with their hair bound up and adorned with a jeweled crown. According to a commentary on the VAT by Buddhaguhya, “bound up hair” is an indication of a deity of the Akanis. t.ha heaven, and a “jewel in the crown” refers to the wearer’s status as a “King of Dharma.” 32 These shared elements of iconography indicate that Ta¯ra¯ is assuming the enlightened status of a complete Buddha in female form. Avalokites´ vara and the Ta¯ra¯-mu¯la-kalpa , TMK
The conception of Goddess Ta¯ra¯ as the female companion of Avalokites´vara (bodhisattva of compassion) spans the early phase of her cult in India from about the sixth through the eighth centuries CE. 33 Avalokites´vara’s role in the TMK provides the momentum for the development of the Ta¯ra¯ cult: he is a main speaker in the text and a pervasive actor in its rites. The latter is evident in his role as intermediary in the ritual methods used to evoke Ta¯ra¯. The close relationship between Ta¯ra¯ and Avalokites´vara in the TMK is defined as the “Great Secret.” In conversation with the gods, Avalokites´vara says, “Listen to the secrets associated with the Great Secret of the Mother [Ta¯ra¯] who is the embodiment of enlightened awareness (Ma¯ ha¯vidya¯)! I shall also explain the vidya¯ for the rite that is performed to make her appear.” 34 In this passage, the word vidya¯ refers to a sequence of sacred syllables (in other words, a charm) used to evoke Ta¯ra¯’s presence, as well as the enlightened awareness that results from evoking her through concentrating exclusively on these syllables. Before exploring the deeper significance of the term vidya¯ , it is important to understand the similarities and differences between the terms vidya¯ and mantra. According to an eighth-century Sanskrit treatise, vidya¯s and mantras have similar functions, except vidya¯s refer to “a female [deity’s] appearance and Specific passages are found in the mandala rite from the second chapter of the VAT (EV, 101), and a mandala rite from the second chapter of the TMK depicting Ta¯ra¯ as Ekajat. ¯ i (TMK, 174a-2 to 6). 32 Akanist ha is the highest heaven in the form realm where the Sambhoga-ka¯ ya Buddha .. resides while teaching tenth-stage bodhisattvas. Wayman and Tajima, Enlightenment of Vairocana, 101, 146n41. Herein the author cites Buddhaguhya’s commentary on the Vairocanaabhisam. bodhi-tantra entitled Vairocana¯bhisam. bodhi-vikurvita¯dhis. .tha¯na-maha¯-tantra -bha¯s. ya (Peking Tanjur edition, vol. 77, fols. 139–4–4, 140– 4–5, and 140–5–8). Ta¯ra¯’s aspect as Ekajat. ¯ i has partially bound up hair. The term that refers to her hairstyle ( ral pa gcig ma) differs from that used for Vairocana’s bound up hair ( thor tshugs ‘chang ba). 33 This is noted as she is depicted within the early Buddhist tantras: the Mañjus´ r ¯i -mu ¯la kalpa (MMK), the Vairocana-abhisam . bodhi-tantra (VAT), and the Ta¯ra¯-mu¯la-kalpa (TMK). 31
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the utterance associated with her nature,” whereas mantras refer to “a male [deity’s] appearance as well as the utterance associated with that form.” 35 In other words, vidya¯s evoke female deities whereas mantras evoke male deities. This is substantiated by evidence found in the TMK and the MMK. When the anonymous author of the TMK composed the first layer of the text using the MMK as a basis of reference, all mantras used to evoke Mañjus´r ¯ i in the MMK’s rites were replaced by vidya¯s used to evoke Ta¯ra¯ in the TMK’s rites. 36 In the rituals that appear in the subsequent layers of the TMK, whenever Ta¯ra¯ is to be evoked by a sequence of sacred syllables, they are prefaced by the term vidya¯ .37 There are hundreds, if not thousands of vidya¯s in the TMK. 38 The definition of mantra in The Nyingma School of Tibetan Buddhism is pertinent to our discussion, based upon parallel functions of mantras and vidya¯s in these early tantras. He defines mantra “as an attribute of buddha-body, speech and mind which protects the mind with ease and swiftness.” 39 Thus, by reciting a vidya¯, as one would a mantra, one protects the mind from discriminative thought, as well as activities of body and speech that depend upon the mind for direction. When the term vidya¯ is used to signify a deity’s pristine awareness, it functions as an aspect of enlightened mind. Accordingly, enlightenment can be found upon realizing the nature of this awareness through meditation, when obscurations covering the seeds of Buddha nature are removed. 40 As an aspect Padmavajra’s Tantra¯rtha¯vata¯ravya¯khya¯na (Tohoku catalogue number 2502, vol. H. i, fols. 273b-2 to 3a,b), quoted in Mkhas grub rje, Introduction to the Buddhist Tantric Systems , trans. Ferdinand Lessing and Alex Wayman (1968; reprint, Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass, 1983), 24–25n13, 116n18: “Rig sngags zhes pa ni mo’i gzugs dang tshul ‘dzin pas gsungs pa’i tshig ste / sngags zhes pa ni pho’i tshul dang gzugs kyis smras pa’i tshig go.” See also 176n24, which states that the Vidya¯ra¯jñ ¯ i (Queen of Vidya¯s) represents both the deity and the magical formula associated with that deity. 36 An example of this process is found when comparing TMK, sTog Palace Manuscript (fol. 160b-1–4) to the Mañjus´r ¯i -mu¯la-kalpa , ed. P. L. Vaidya, Buddhist Sanskrit Texts 18 (Darbhanga: Mithila Institute, 1964), 17, lines 26–31. Here, the MMK text refers to A ¯ rya Mañjus´ r ¯ i ’s basic mantra ( mu¯la-mantra), whereas the TMK’s parallel reading refers to Ta¯ra¯ ’s basic charm ( mu¯la vidya¯ ), also referred to as a root charm. 37 Landesman, Great Secret of Ta¯ra¯ , 147–52, 269–71. The TMK outlines the natures and functions of all of Ta¯ra¯’s vidya¯s in the chapter entitled “Extensive Rite of the Mandala,” fols. 160b1 to 162a-2, follow ing the Sanskrit MMK text, 17. Herein, Ta¯ra¯’s root charm ( mu¯la-vidya¯ ), described as “the basic charm of the Blessed Noble Ta¯ra¯ . . . performs all rites, severs one from the phenomena of the three worlds, and removes all bad destinies.” The text continues with a discussion of Ta¯ra¯’s charms: the essence incantation ( hr . daya-vidya¯ ), the near-essence incantation ( upahr . daya-vidya¯ ), and the most concise essence incantation ( parama-hr . daya). 38 Two additional chapters in the TMK that comment extensively on the nature and functions of Ta¯ra¯ ’s vidya¯s are entitled “Fifth Extensive Rite of the Painted Image” (TMK, vol. 107 [MA], 201a-3–205b- 4) and “Charms for All Ordinary Rites” (TMK, vol. 107 [MA], 323a-5–387b-3). 39 Dudjom Rinpoche and Jikdrel Yeshe Dorje, The Nyingma School of Tibetan Buddhism: 35
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of enlightened speech, a vidya¯ serves as the means to evoke the deity through the repetition of sacred syllables. This is based upon the belief that a deity resides within the subtle, unseen sounds used to evoke its presence. Ancient Indian philosophical schools contend that sound and vibration are the essential and basic constituents of reality. 41 Thus, the goddess who abides within the vidya¯ appears once the vidya¯ is invoked, “it is her animating essence.” 42 In the TMK, Ta¯ra¯ is frequently referred to as the Blessed Queen of Enlightened Awareness (Bhagavat ¯ i Maha¯vidya¯ra¯jñ ¯ i). Her identity as a Maha¯vidya¯ in this Buddhist source is established many centuries before it is first used in Hindu sources (for example, the Maha¯bha¯gavata Pura¯n.a) to identify a group of ten Hindu goddesses, including Kal ¯ i and Ta¯ra¯. David Kinsley notes that these Hindu Maha¯vidya¯s function as mantras, whose importance “resides in the tantric belief that mantras awaken consciousness. . . . [Maha¯vidya¯s are] the mantras by which knowledge is gained, awakened, or discovered within.” 43 Recognizing the syncretic nature of Hindu and Buddhist tantra, Kinsley provides a point of comparison: just as Hindu Maha¯vidya¯s function as the cause of inner awakening, so does the Buddhist Goddess Ta¯ra¯ as Maha¯vidya¯ personify the awareness capable of liberating the practitioner who identifies with her in meditation. The dual nature of vidya¯ as sacred speech and awareness appears in a passage from the TMK. Here, Buddha S´ a¯kyamuni discusses the Great Secret in a rite entitled “Perfecting One’s Wishes” that features Avalokites´vara and Bhaga vat ¯ i Ta¯ra¯. While envisioning Avalokites´vara, the practitioner may evoke Ta¯ra¯: [The ritual] called “Perfecting One’s Wishes” is victorious! It frees one from passion44 and mental darkness, 45 as it pacifies attachment. Purified and perfected, one is released from non-virtue.[1] In order to destroy the seeds of transmigration, Make salutations and worship the Lama Pema points out that although wisdom (San. prajña¯ ; Tib. ye shes) can be discerned through study, reflection, and meditation, the true nature of “awareness” (San. vidya¯ : Tib. rig pa) is ascertained through meditation alone. Also see Rinpoche and Dorje, Nyingma School, 1:27. 41 David Kinsley, Tantric Visions of the Divine Feminine: The Ten Ma ¯ha¯vidya¯s (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1997), 58. 42 Ibid., 59. Within Hindu context, Kinsley notes that the term ma¯ha ¯vidya¯ is used to refer to transcendent knowledge and power, supreme knowledge or wisdom, as well as the mantra associated with the deity’s presence. This knowledge is accessed through the worship of ten goddesses (Ma¯ha¯vidya¯s), whose liturgy is found in the Maha¯bha¯gavata Pura¯n.a, composed in eastern India after the fourteenth century. Herein, Ta¯ra¯ appears as one of the ten Hindu Ma¯ha¯vidya¯s. See Kins-
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Journal of Feminist Studies in Religion 24.1 All-Knowing Noble Avalokites´vara on a moon46 [disc].[2] It is explained that by relying upon you [Avalokites´vara] to make [Ta¯ra¯] appear, She will appear again in the world.[3b] (Here, the practitioner intones a vidya¯ to evoke Ta¯ra¯ ’s presence.) Salutations to the [goddess] who is entirely white! White-limbed, white-armed, and white-garlanded! Salute [the Goddess] who Conquers, who is Victorious, Who is Invincible, and who is Unrivaled!47
The nature of the Great Secret implies that the practitioner cannot evoke Ta¯ra¯ directly, but must first worship Avalokites´vara as one’s tutelary deity, either by visualizing him or meditatively generating oneself into him, before uttering Ta¯ra¯’s vidya¯ to evoke her presence. This ritual sequence suggests that Ta¯ra¯’s charm must be spoken by Avalokites´vara rather than by an “ordinary” person, and that it must be uttered using “secret speech” rather than ordinary speech to evoke her. Two recurring motifs in the TMK reinforce this interpretation of the Great Secret. The first is the frequent depiction of Avalokites´vara engaged in meditative concentration prior to uttering Ta¯ra¯’s charms. In the following passage, Avalokites´vara states, “I entered equipoise in order that I may explain the aims of evoking Blessed Noble Ta¯ra¯ in that most excellent of ritual texts. . . . I shall also explain the vidya¯ for the rite performed to make her appear.” 48 The second motif pertains to the many vidya¯s in the TMK used to evoke Ta¯ra¯ that begin with an initial homage to Avalokites´vara: Homage to the Three Jewels! Homage to Noble Avalokites´vara, the Enlightened Being, Great Being! Oh Ta¯ra¯, who rescues from pain! Oh quick one! Hail! 49
Ultimately, the dynamics of Great Secret may be used to explain why Avalokites´vara plays such a paramount role in the TMK. First, he is the text’s main speaker, and therefore, the primary figure to bestow the teachings. Second, he serves as an intermediary in the ritual methods used to evoke Ta¯ra¯: his role reinforces the notion that the practitioner can only access Ta¯ra¯ by first vi The Wheel of Life ( bhavacakra), symbolizing samsara, is grasped by Ma¯ra¯ ’s claw-like hands and feet. At the center of this wheel, desire, hatred, and ignorance are personified as the root causes for the rebirth of beings in any of the six destinies. The Buddha stands outside the wheel, pointing to the moon as the path to liberation. The moon therefore signifies the peace of mind achieved through surmounting the forces of desire, hatred, and delusion, which give rise to the various sufferings experienced in samsara. 47 “Tadyatha¯ / s´vete s ´ veten.ge s´ve[te] bhuje s´vet[e] / Ma¯lyeralam.kr.te / Jaye vijaye ajite apara¯jite 46
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sualizing and evoking Avalokites´vara, or by going through Avalokites´vara. Third, he accompanies Ta¯ra¯ in most of the TMK’s pat. a and mandala rites, and, in certain contexts, may be identified as Ta¯ra¯’s iconographic role model. 50 Although the TMK clearly gives Avalokites´vara a prominent role, the text does not explain why this is the case or why the practitioner must generate him or herself into the male bodhisattva Avalokites´vara prior to evoking Goddess Ta¯ra¯. Although speculation provides no definitive answers, one can explore this issue through three different lenses. First, Ta¯ra¯ enters the Buddhist milieu by modeling herself after popular male figures, adopting their symbolism and functions, as well as an evocation process that follows similar guidelines. On the one hand, Ta¯ra¯ can be accessed neither directly nor independently from Avalokites´vara. Rather, her presence and powers can only be accessed through him. On the other hand, one could interpret the evocation process as gender inclusive, whereby tantric ritual is efficacious only through the participation of male and female counterparts resulting in an androgynous state of equilibrium. In some texts, this state is envisioned as a male and female deity in embrace. The Vimalak i¯ rti-su¯tra substantiates this notion from a third perspective: “While [women] are not women in reality, they appear in the form of women. With this in mind, the Buddha said, “ In all things, there is neither male nor female.”51 That is, the enlightened mind that perceives reality from an ultimate viewpoint transcends notions of gender. When sense objects are viewed as de void of any permanent natures, attachment to objects of the senses that normally gives rise to suffering is reduced. As a lasting note, one may wonder why Ta¯ra¯, who is the featured deity of the text, is silent throughout the entire scripture, even though she is frequently referred to as a queen of sacred speech and enlightened awareness. Rather, her powers as the personification of speech and awareness are either spoken about (by Avalokites´vara and other figures in the text) or intoned as the sacred syllables that embody and manifest her presence. If Ta¯ra¯ does not assume an active voice in the TMK as promulgator of its teachings, what then is the source of her power?52 As noted by her epithet, Maha¯vidya¯-ra¯jñ ¯ i, Ta¯ra¯ embodies the state of conscious awareness that can liberate the practitioner who identifies with her in meditation. 53 As the embodiment of liberative awareness, Ta¯ra¯ may be References to Ta¯ra¯ with her hair bound up ( u¯rdhvajat.a¯ ) (which is also the first word in the TMK’s title, u¯rdhvajat.a¯-maha¯kalpa) appear more frequently in descriptions of Avalokites´ vara than Ta¯ ra¯. 51 Emphasis added. The Holy Teachings of Vimalak i¯ rti, trans. Robert F. Thurman (University Park: Pennsylvania State University Press, 1976), 62. 52 Ta ¯ ra¯’s silence contrasts with the role of bodhisattva of wisdom Mañjus´ r ¯,i who functions as 50
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removed because she is completely enlightened, much like Buddha S´ a¯kyamuni in the Vimalak i¯ rti-su¯tra, seated on a lion’s throne radiating beams of light. 54 Ta¯ra¯’s active potential is accessed by means of ritual speech. Many rites in the TMK require that the practitioner intone Ta¯ra¯’s vidya¯s in the presence of Ta¯ra¯’s image, in order to manifest her compassionate, protective power and presence. The following verses describing Ta¯ra¯ exemplify this point: The Goddess is the destroyer of all obstacles, and superior in expelling danger. In order to protect the practitioner, one should depict the virtuous one with a boon-granting hand gesture.[54] The Goddess who bears the form of a woman is the compassionate one, the daughter of [the Buddha] Das´abala, and the welfare of all creatures. She who bestows boons should be drawn.[55] In order to destroy all obstacles, the tantric practitioner implores the Goddess who performs great activities [associated with] the illustrious Bodhisattva.[56]55 Conclusion: Pioneering Efforts
When a group of monks exhorted Princess Moon of Wisdom to pray for a (new) male body, she initially responded by acknowledging the socially acceptable path to enlightenment for men. However, in her next breath, she challenged the monks’ attachment to notions of gender and asserted her female identity by vowing to pursue enlightenment in female form in all of her subsequent lives to alleviate the infinite sufferings of living beings. 56 In a somewhat parallel fashion, one may argue that the earliest tantric rites used to worship Ta¯ra¯ did not begin as a feminist enterprise, since Ta¯ra¯ was modeled after, accompanied by, and accessed through male bodhisattvas. However, these rituals did promote Ta¯ra¯’s means of entry within the tantric milieu as a fully enlightened female Buddha (Bhagavat ¯ i) with unlimited powers of protection, compassion, and wisdom. Ad Thurman, Holy Teachings of Vimalak i¯ rti , 12. Emphases added. Translated from a passage that appears in the Tibetan TPTMK on fol. 196a-6ff. 56 “There is neither man nor woman nor self nor person-hood nor notion of such. Attachment to [the designations] ‘male and female’ is meaningless and deludes worldly people with poor under54
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ditionally, such rites served as tools through which Ta¯ra¯’s independent status was eventually created. Sometime after the seventh-century composition of the TMK, Ta¯ra¯ worship became differentiated from Avalokites´vara and it was possible to evoke her independently as a practitioner’s tutelary deity. In the eighth century, Ta¯ra¯’s popularity gained momentum with an increasing number of followers in regions as distant from India as Java and Tibet. 57 During this time, Candragomin’s commentary (Ekavim. s´ati-sa¯dhana) on the twenty-one praises of Ta¯ra¯ ( Namasta¯re ekavim. s´atistotra-gun.ahitasahita) played a role in Ta¯ra¯’s differentiation from Avalokites´vara. 58 By the eleventh century, Ta¯ra¯ played a central role in the life of Master At ¯ is´a (982–1054), for whom Ta¯ra¯ served as tutelary deity and guide in his journey and transmission of Buddhist teachings from India to Tibet. According to the TMK’s colophon, At ¯ is´a is credited with transporting the Ta¯ra¯ mu¯la-kalpa from India to Tibet in 1042. 59 It was due in part to At ¯ is´a’s pioneering efforts to promote the worship of Ta¯ra¯ in Tibet that she eventually became renowned as the mother of the Tibetan people.
H. B. Sarkar, “The Origin of the S´ ailendra Dynasty of Java: A Reappraisal,” in Amala¯ Prajña¯: Aspects of Buddhist Studies, P. V. Bapat volume, ed. N. H. Samtani and H. S. Prasad (Delhi: Indian Books Centre, 1989), 381–97. See also Marcel Lalou, “ Les Textes Bouddhiques au temps du Roi Khri sron. lde bcan,” Journal Asiatique 241 (1953): 311–53, esp. 313–17, 329. 58 Mkhas grub rje, Buddhist Tantric Systems, 126–27. A late seventh- to eighth-century time frame for Candragomin is proposed, since the TMK does not contain rites to evoke the popular twenty-one forms of Ta¯ra¯ , which it would have included had they been popular in the time and place where the TMK was composed. See Alex Wayman, Chanting the Names of Mañjus´r ¯i : (Boston: Shambhala Publications, 1985), 5, and Wayman and The Mañjus´ r ¯i -na¯ ma¯ -sam. g i¯ ti Tajima, Enlightenment of Vairocana, 36n26. Wayman notes that the Candragomin who wrote the Ekavim . s´ati-sa¯dhana probably lived in the eighth century and is not the same as the sixth-century Candragomin who wrote a famous grammatical treatise that rivaled Candrakirti’s. Ta¯rana¯tha, His tory of Buddhism in India (ed. D. Chattopadhyaya [Calcutta: Humanities Press, 1981], 200–209), places the latter Candragomin during the late eighth-century reign of the Pala King Dharmapa¯la (770–781 CE). Mark Tatz places Candragomin in the seventh century in “The Life of Candragomin in Tibetan Historical Tradition,” Tibet Journal 6, no. 3 (1972): 1–22, and Mark Tatz, “The Date of Candragomin,” Buddhism and Jainism, ed. Harish Chandra Das, Chittaranjan Das, and Satya Ranjan Pal (Cuttack: Institute of Oriental and Orissan Studies, 1976), 281–97. 59 A translated portion of the TMK’s colophon reads: “Having expended much effort to bring Master At ¯ is´a’s book from Rva-sgreng, the Sa¯kya monk Rinchen-grub completed the translation on the fifteenth day of the [first] month of Great Miracles [under the lunar asterism] As´vin i¯ in the 57
