UNDERSTANDING THE FILIPINO CONCEPT OF NATIONALISM
A Research Proposal Presented to the Faculty of the Department of Political Science School of Law and Governance University of San Carlos Cebu City, Philippines
In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the course POSC 142CC: Data Gathering and Analysis
By DELIMA, CHAD MICHAELL G. POWAO, JAYFORD O.
October 2014
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University of San Carlos Department of Political Science Center for Governance, Leadership, and Development PoSc 142CC: Data Gathering and Analysis
PLAGIARISM FORM (this must be filled appropriately and submitted along with the Thesis Proposal)
University of San Carlos Student Manual 2006 Edition Art. IV Service Support Units 2.5.7 Major Offenses: Plagiarism, forgery, falsification, tampering, alteration or misuse of official school records, documents or credentials ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
Course
Chad Michaell G. Delima AB POSC – PTS 4 POSC142CC: Data Gathering and Analysis
Title of Thesis
“Understanding the Filipino Concept of Nationalism”
Name Program
I, the undersigned, confirm that I understood the University policy about plagiarism and the importance of intellectual honesty. I testify that the work I submitted is wholly my own, and that any quotations or section of text taken from the published or unpublished work of any other person is duly and fully acknowledged therein. Signature of Student Date of Submission
Oct. 21, 2014
Student Receipt ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~ Name of Student Title of Course
Chad Michaell G. Delima POSC142CC: Data Gathering and Analysis
Date Received Received by (N&S) 2
University of San Carlos Department of Political Science Center for Governance, Leadership, and Development PoSc 142CC: Data Gathering and Analysis
PLAGIARISM FORM (this must be filled appropriately and submitted along with the Thesis Proposal)
University of San Carlos Student Manual 2006 Edition Art. IV Service Support Units 2.5.7 Major Offenses: Plagiarism, forgery, falsification, tampering, alteration or misuse of official school records, documents or credentials ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~ Name Program Course Title of Thesis
Jayford O. Powao AB POSC – PTS 4 POSC142CC: Data Gathering and Analysis “Understanding the Filipino Concept of Nationalism”
I, the undersigned, confirm that I understood the University policy about plagiarism and the importance of intellectual honesty. I testify that the work I submitted is wholly my own, and that any quotations or section of text taken from the published or unpublished work of any other person is duly and fully acknowledged therein. Signature of Student Date of Submission
Oct. 21, 2014
Student Receipt ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~ Name of Student Title of Course
Jayford O. Powao POSC142CC: Data Gathering and Analysis
Date Received Received by (N&S) 3
APPROVAL SHEET
This research paper entitled ―Understanding the Filipino Concept of Nationalism‖ and as submitted by Chad Michaell G. Delima and Jayford O. Powao in partial fulfilment of the requirements for POSC 142CC: Data Gathering and Analysis, has been examined and accepted for Oral Defense.
Research Committee
Dr. Ryan C. Urbano ___________________________ Chairman
Fr. Joseph B. Anore, MAPM ____________________ Member
Arra Katrina C. Villaruel, MAAL ________________________ Member
Rejene T. Lakibul, MPMD ________________________________ Faculty Adviser
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University of San Carlos Department of Political Science Center for Governance, Leadership, and Development PoSc142CC Data Gathering and Analysis
COMPLIANCE FORM (this must be filled appropriately and submitted as scheduled; a copy must also be attached as annex to the final technical report)
Name of Researcher
:
Chad Michaell G. Delima and Jayford O. Powao
Title of Thesis
:
Understanding the Filipino Concept of Nationalism
Date of Submission
:
Oct. 22, 2014
Direction: Be sure to comply with the recommendations/suggestions of the defense panel. Write your action to each of the recommendations and indicate the specific page for inclusions and changes. Actions Taken about Comments/Recommendations
Comments/Recommendations
Incorporated Completely
Title Page and Preliminaries 1. Provide results in the Abstract 2. Provide Executive Summary The Problem and Its Setting
Incorporated but Refined
Not Incorporated
Page No.
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7-8
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20-38
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42-49
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53-85
OK Theoretical Background 1. Improve the discussion on Hechter’s framework of nationalism 2. Provide the details and characteristics of each type 3. Transfer in TB the exhaustive discussion of Philippine history found in Chapter 4 Research Methodology 1. Improve the methodology to match the data required 2. Check comments given during the proposal defense on the ff: respondents, environment, treatment of data Results and Discussions NEEDS REVISION 1. Improve the data presentation, provide only the highlights 2. Where is your data analysis and presentation 3. Key points of certain facts of history 4. How are you going to do with each of the data (treatment) (interpret) 5. More validation of the themes
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6. In every timeline, build your case (base on the matrix) 7. Distinguish reference from data source 8. Characteristics of specific era 9. Should present the findings and interpretation 10. Present the data and explain each era 11. Characteristics that make state-building, etc. 12. Provide prper transition statements to ensure coherence 13. Title of Matrix (end ofChap 4) 14. Proper treatment of data 15. Relate communitarianism to nationalism Conclusion and Recommendation 1. Establish claims in your conclusion 2. Provide doable recommendations 3. Be careful with the language of your recommendations Citation and Bibliography 1. Source of history 2. Proper citation of presented data Language, Grammar and Choice of Words
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86-90
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91-94
√
1. Pls. consult an editor Appendices OK Noted By:
Student’s Name and Signature: Chad Michaell G. Delima Jayford Powao
Rejene T. Lakibul, MPMD Adviser
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Understanding the Filipino Concept of Nationalism
ABSTRACT
This study aimed to understand the Filipino concept of nationalism. As stated by some Filipino thinkers, Filipino nationalism is more in the mind than in reality (Mercado, 1988). President Ferdinand Marcos also said that Filipinos do not really possess a clear concept of nationalism because of its colonial experiences. Hence, the student-researchers traced back the historical background of Filipino nationalism in order to achieve a clearer picture of the contemporary sense of nationalism among Filipinos. Guided by the general objective of understanding the Filipino concept of nationalism, a qualitative style of research methodology was pursued. Key informant interviews were conducted among the members of the academe and resource persons from National Commission for Culture and the Arts and other institutions. Also, the student-researchers conducted documents review of related literatures by extracting relevant data from the previous literatures written by authoritative writers. Communitarianism was used in the study as its theoretical background because of its concept that fits to the description on the existence of diverse local cultures in the Philippine society. Moreover, this study utilized four classifications of nationalism (Statebuilding, Irredentist, Unification, Peripheral) according to Michael Hechter in his book Containing Nationalism (2000). Based on the research conducted by the student-researchers, the Filipino concept of nationalism had faced different challenges before its conception. Cultural diversity and language barriers were among the recognized challenges of nationalism. But despite that, Filipinos were able to sustain and further develop their quest to identify their own identity as Filipinos. The recognized recent challenges of nationalism were globalization and regional integrations. These concepts were considered by scholars as developers of external influences that could hamper the development of nationalism of the younger generations. Despite of all those mentioned challenges, Filipino nationalism had its own breakthroughs in Philippine society. The most popular was the eradication of the foreign colonizers that reigned supreme in a span for several centuries. Filipinos were able to overthrow regimes and tyrannical colonizers because of their unity and solidarity to achieve freedom. Former President Ferdinand Marcos fell victim to Filipino nationalism that despite his rule with an iron fist, it did not stop the Filipinos to re-claim their freedom and regain their democractic way of life.
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EXECUTIVE SUMMARY
The general objective of this study was to understand the Filipino concept of nationalism and was guided by the specific objectives. Firstly, it would find out the historical background of Filipino nationalism by studying its historical influences. Secondly, the study would identify the kind of nationalism that Filipinos possess by utilizing Michael Hechter‘s classifications of nationalism based on his book Containing Nationalism (2000) namely State-building, Peripheral, Irredentist and Unification. Thirdly, it would examine the current condition of the identified kind of nationalism that Filipinos possess. Fourthly, the study would determine the challenges encountered by the development of Filipino nationalism and its breakthroughs in society. Lastly, the study would theorize on the future potentials of Filipino nationalism in Philippine society. The study assumed that the Filipino sense of nationalism is not yet clear. It also conformed to the hypotheses that: Filipino nationalism was shaped by colonial experiences of the past; that Filipino nationalism is affected by present circumstances such as cultural diversity and communitarianism; that the kind of Filipino nationalism is dependent on the interface of both past and present circumstances; and that breakthroughs and challenges being encountered by Filipino nationalism significantly contribute to the theorizing of its future potentials. The significance of the study included the attempt to contribute to the enrichment on limited literatures about Filipino nationalism. The study could also be used as a future reference for further study on Filipino political philosophy. As a whole, the study hoped to contribute to the Political Theory and Systems Track of the Department of Political Science through the giving of emphasis on the study of nationalism. The scope and limitation of the study included the look into the evolution of Filipino concept of nationalism and the significant factors that shaped its identity. The problems and challenges that concern Filipino nationalism were also taken into account. The treatment of data and discursive analysis thereof pursued Michael Hechter‘s classifications of nationalism which are State-building, Peripheral, Irredentist, Unification. Such classifications were analyzed in order to describe Filipino nationalism. The theory of communitarianism was used as the theoretical framework because based on the cultural accounts of the Philippine society, it is being composed of diverse cultures. Also, communitarianism is a localized concept of nationalism according Dr. Resil Mojares. Despite its diverse culture, Filipinos are perceived to have achieved unity with one another in countering external influences, which best fits Will Kymlicka‘s pronouncement about communitarianism: ―Citizens identify each other without sharing a common religion and disagree about the good life but still identify each other because they share a sense of belonging to an intergenerational society which has some historical reference points and a common future (Kymlicka, 2002).‖ 8
Based on historical accounts, Filipino nationalism was influenced by colonial effects. Romeo Cruz (1975) in his book Ang Pagkabuo ng Nasyonalismong Filipino said that “Filipino nationalism is a borrowed concept implanted upon us from our past colonizers.” This statement was affirmed by former Philippine President Ferdinand Marcos (1980) in his book An Ideology for Filipinos. He argued that “colonial influences made us confused on who we really are as Filipinos and what future we must pursue.” By utilizing Michael Hechter‘s classifications of nationalism which were statebuilding, irredentist, peripheral, unification, the closest description of Filipino nationalism was State-building nationalism. The description of a state-building nationalism was the recognition of the presence of a multicultural population that intended to create a united homogenous society. Homogeneous in a sense that despite of the cultural differences people tend to unite themselves against a recognized common enemy that threatened their culture, heritage and traditions. Based on the description, State-building nationalism is indeed the kind of nationalism that Filipinos possess.
The student-researchers had a few recommendations in order to further develop Filipino nationalism that the Filipinos possessed. Firstly, the student-researchers recommend the enrichment of the limited existing literatures that expounds Filipino nationalism. There must be a government-academe cooperation that would encourage historians to study and re-write Philippine history in a manner that is based on a Filipino historians‘ perspective that could further develop the conception of nationalism among Filipinos. Secondly, there must be a reform on the Philippine educational system that would look into the Filipino subjects by not just a mere study of the language but performs rigid instructions that would instill the importance of Filipino nationalism to the young students.
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TABLE OF CONTENTS Chapter
Page
TITLE PAGE
1
PLAGIARISM FORM
2
APPROVAL SHEET
4
COMPLIANCE FORM
5
ABSTRACT
7
EXECUTIVE SUMMARY
8
TABLE OF CONTENTS
10
1
INTRODUCTION Rationale of the Study
12
THE PROBLEM
2
Statement of the Problem
13
Statement of Assumptions
14
Statement of Hypothesis
14
Significance of the Study
15
Scope and Limitations of the Study
15
DEFINITIONS OF TERMS
15
ORGANIZATION OF THE STUDY
16
THEORETICAL BACKGROUND Review of Related Literature
18
Theoretical Framework
39
Conceptual Framework
41
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3
RESEARCH METHODOLOGY Research Environment
43
Research Respondents
44
Research Instruments
47
Research Procedures
48
Gathering of Data
48
Treatment of Data
49
4
PRESENTATION, INTERPRETATION AND ANALYSIS OF DATA
53
5
SUMMARY, CONCLUSION AND RECOMMENDATIONS
86
BIBLIOGRAPHY
91
APPENDICES
95
A
Transmittal Letters for Key Informant Interviews
96
B
Questionnaires for Key Informant Interviews
103
C
Answers from the Key Informant Interviews
111
D
Monitoring Sheet
117
E
Informants‘ Profile
119
F
Transcriptions of the Key Informant Interview
121
G
Prior Informed Consent Form
137
H
Curriculum Vitae
140
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CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION
Rationale of the Study In the course of human history, states evolved because society had a practical need for it. Societies transformed from simple pastoral communities to complex societies which needed a government to administer the society‘s affairs and to maintain peace and order in the society. With the emergence of the state, an ideology was developed which became a principal form of self-identification and a sense of consciousness and belongingness to the nation, together with sentiments and aspiration for the promotion of security and prosperity of that particular nation. This ideology is called Nationalism (Baradat, 2009). It can be inferred that through nationalism, people were provided with a sense of importance, identity and belongingness to the state. Many states which used to be politically divided were unified because of Nationalism. Such a concept was also classified into four according to Michael Hechter (2000), to wit: State-building Nationalism,
Peripheral
Nationalism,
Irredentist
Nationalism
and
Unification
Nationalism. In addition, Jean-Jacques Rousseau in 1762 shocked the ruling elite of Europe by his postulation that countries do not belong to the monarchs but to the people themselves which eventually resulted to French Revolution in between 1789 and 1799. Nationalism has become one of the most important powerful political ideas of the past 200 years. It has had a great impact on every person in every modern society (Hechter, 2000). In addition, the Philippines, a developing country having historical experiences with colonialism and with culturally diverse population, was said to have not really 12
possessed a clear concept of nationalism. According to Leonardo Mercado (1988:9), ―the concept of what is a Filipino is tied up with the concept of nationalism which is more in the mind than in reality.‖ However, enrichments are yet to be made on what kind of nationalism characterizes that of the Filipinos and the several significantly defining factors that contributed to it. To quote former Philippine President Ferdinand Marcos (1980), as an effect to our colonial experiences, we have no clear conception on who we really are, what do we stand for, what we are dreaming for and what our world as Filipinos is leading to. Thus, the guiding aim of this research is to come up with a theoretical understanding of Filipino nationalism that has practical implications therein.
THE PROBLEM
Statement of the Problem The general objective of this study was to understand the Filipino concept of nationalism. In line with this, it would be supported by the following specific objectives:
To find out the historical background of Filipino nationalism
To identify the type or kind of nationalism that the Filipinos possess by utilizing the classification made by Michael Hechter (2000). The following types of nationalism according to Hechter are: a) State-building, b) Irredentist, c) Peripheral and d) Unification
To examine the current condition of the identified type or kind of Filipino nationalism
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To determine the breakthroughs, limitations, and challenges of Filipino nationalism
To theorize on the future potentials of Filipino nationalism
Statement of Assumptions The student-researchers conformed to the assumption that the Filipino sense of nationalism is not yet clear and that because of significant colonial interventions, our sense of nationalism as Filipinos is more in the mind than in reality.
Statement of Hypothesis The student-researchers were guided by the following hypotheses:
That Filipino nationalism is shaped by colonial experiences of the past
That Filipino nationalism is affected by present circumstances such as cultural diversity, communitarianism, and individualism
That the type or kind of Filipino nationalism is dependent on the interface of both past and present circumstances
That the breakthroughs, limitations, and challenges being encountered by Filipino nationalism significantly contribute to the theorizing of its future potentials
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Significance of the Study This study would be beneficial to the enrichment of existing literatures written about the interface of nationalism. Considering the current trend of structuring better the identity of Filipino political philosophy, this research would serve as a guiding reference. Mapping out both historical and contemporary encounters of the Philippines is crucial to any proposed systemic interventions. In addition, this research hoped to contribute to the Political Theory and Systems track of the Department of Political Science through the giving of emphasis on the study of nationalism. The end goal of which is to influence the operation of the system (i.e. system on transformational leadership).
Scope and Limitations This paper was delimited to the study of the Filipino concept of nationalism. It would also look into the evolution of the Filipino concept of nationalism, as well as the significantly defining factors that help shape its identity. This paper would also tackle the challenges and problems concerning Filipino nationalism. In the discursive analysis thereof, emphasis was accorded to the classifications of the type of nationalism put forward by Michael Hechter (2000).
Definition of Terms Nationalism - an awareness of one‘s membership in a nation in which one‘s highest loyalty is to the nation; a state of mind in which it unites different people belonging to different cultures to a single national identity; together with a desire to achieve, maintain
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and perpetuate the identity, as well as safeguard and promote the prosperity of that nation. Filipino – a person belonging to the Republic of the Philippines Concept – an idea, notion or perception; can be synonymous to ―sense‖ Understanding – the ability to perceive and comprehend the nature and significance of a given item
Organization of the Study This paper was composed of three (3) chapters. The first part of chapter one discussed the rationale of the study. It included the statement of the problem as well as the statement of assumptions and hypothesis. The end part of chapter one focused on the significance of the study and how it could be related as a relevant discussion to the discourse in Political Science. It attempted to answer the question, what makes the subject matter a problem that is worthy to be researched. This end part of chapter one also deliberately discussed the study‘s scope and limitations as well as operational definition of terms. The second chapter provided the theoretical background. It elaborated on the important and relevant variables that the researchers have found to be significant in the study. This chapter also showcased important literatures and case studies which may serve as relevant references for analysis and interpretations. A conceptual framework was created in order to simplify the presentation on how the researchers would go about understanding Filipino concept of nationalism.
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The third chapter discussed the methodology of the study. It provided the tools that were used in order to gather relevant supplementary data. It included explanations on the choice of environment, respondents, instruments, and procedures in the treatment of data.
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CHAPTER 2 THEORETICAL BACKGROUND
Review of Related Literature Nationalism has its roots which can be traced back to ancient societies. (Roshwald, 2006). Nationalism has emerged as one of the most important political idea of the past 200 years according to Baradat (2009) and it has had a great impact on every person in every modern society. Many divided countries have been united together for the love of the nation-state. With the emergence of the nation-state, nationalism was developed as its ideological justification. Nationalism is used as a frame of reference as well as a yardstick by which to measure and assess people and policy. It is a principal form of self-identification; thus, it has the power to unite the people. Nationalism is so powerful that it has dominated almost every other idea system. Almost all of the ideologies, the state was given a role and a dominant place. The organization of this paper‘s literature review would present first the discussions on Nationalism. It would be followed by arguments building on the Filipino concept of nationalism, its history and its conception. Finally, it would present the synthesis of the processed literature as well as the gaps and limitations of the related studies thereto. There is no single definition of Nationalism. Kohn (1944) posits that nationalism is first and foremost a state of mind and an act of consciousness. The collective or group consciousness will strive towards creating homogeneity within the group, a conformity and like-mindedness which lead to and facilitate concerted and common action.
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Furthermore, McLean (1996) and Anbarani (2013), argue that nationalism is a means of mobility of feelings and national sensation for homeland and catching political or national economic goals. According to Leon Baradat (2009) in his book Political Ideologies: Their Origins and Impact, the theory of Nationalism is an abstraction. Rather than giving loyalty to a person such as noble or a king, people were asked to commit to an idea, to a tradition, to a history, to a notion of fraternity. Nationalism represents the union of a political phenomenon with the identity of the human being. Nationalism focuses on the national group as the principal political unit, and it demands that the national group be served by a state — a nation-state. Nationalism can be a unifying factor in that it demands the subordination of all identities, values, and interests to those of the national group. Nationalism is also exclusivist because it demands that each individual gives loyalty to one-nation state. Emotional attachment to nationalism is so strong because nationalism gives the individual an identity and extends that identity to something greater than the self. Nationalism does more than simply describe a political entity. It creates a mirror in which individuals see and define themselves. It is also a prism through which individuals observe, assess, and react to events and to other people. To explain why nationalism has taken such different forms in different societies, it is better to seek a typology that is derived from analytical considerations and to help account the normative differences between types of nationalism. Michael Hechter (2000) in his book Containing Nationalism says that there are four types of Nationalism which are: State-building Nationalism, Peripheral Nationalism, Irredentist Nationalism and Unification Nationalism
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State-building nationalism is a type of nationalism that is embodied in the attempt to assimilate or incorporate culturally distinctive territories in a given state. It is the result of the conscious efforts of central rulers to make a multicultural population culturally homogeneous. This type of nationalism tries to unite cultural distinctive territories to a one and cultural homogenous state. Since the rationale for state-building nationalism is often geopolitical—to secure borders from real or potential rivals—this kind of nationalism tends to be culturally inclusive. Central rulers of a given culture can unify their country by expelling culturally alien populations (as in the Spanish Reconquista), or by exterminating them (often the fate of the indigenous people of North America) (Hechter, 2000). The characteristics of this particular type of nationalism is that there were presence of a multicultural population and that the central rulers try to maximize on such characteristic in order to solidify the particular society despite of its diversity so that people themselves would act against external influences and foreign excursions. With this type of nationalism, the central government is safe from outside intervensions because its multicultural population is supportive to the government. Peripheral Nationalism occurs when a culturally distinctive territory resists incorporation into an expanding state, or attempts to secede and set up its own government. It seeks to bring about national determination by separating the nation from its host state. The Balkan regions were first to develop peripheral nationalism. Among them were Serbia and Greece who declared their autonomy and independence from the Ottoman Empire which was the host state. There is a withdrawal from a central political authority by a member unit on the basis of a claim to independent sovereign status as in Quebec and Scotland (Hechter, 2000).
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Irredentist Nationalism occurs with the attempt to extend the existing boundaries of a state by incorporating territories of an adjacent state occupied principally by conationals. Irredentism refers to any effort to unite national segments of a population in adjacent countries within a common polity. Irredentist Nationalism is the least prevalent form of nationalism. If Peripheral Nationalism or secession involves substracting a national territory from a state, irredentist movements involve substracting the territory from one state and adding it to another. Hitler‘s annexation of Sudetenland is perhaps the most transparent recent example of Irredentist Nationalism (Hechter, 2000). The most recent example of this nationalism was the Sabah siege. More than 200 fighter-supporters of Sultan Jamalul Kiram III of the Sultanate of Sulu raided the island of Sabah in Malaysia (Inquirer.net, 2013). The aim of the raid was to re-claim Sabah as part of the Sultanate of Sulu and re-unite the particular territory under the territorial sovereignty of the Philippine government. Most of the residents in Sabah are Muslims coming from Sulu but decided to migrate to Sabah for greener pastures. This particular nationalism was quiet extreme because it used armed force in order to achieve political and territorial claims. Finally, Unification Nationalism involves the merger of a politically divided but culturally homogeneous territory into one state, as famously occurred in nineteenthcentury Germany and Italy that brought King Wilhem I as the king of all unified states under his rule with the aim to solidify German and Italian populations against external threats especially Austria. The effect of the unification made Germany to produce the most powerful army in Europe in the 19th century. (Hechter, 2000).
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To sum up Michael Hechter‘s classifications of nationalism, statebuilding nationalism involved a multicultural population aiming to be culturally homogeneous. Peripheral nationalism on the other hand, is a political determination by separating a part of a nation from its host state. Irredentist nationalism is a movement that involves subtracting the territory from one state and adding it to another and Unification nationalism aims to unify a culturally homogeneous territory into a single state. Moreover, Filipino nationalism is a borrowed concept and was implanted to us from our past colonizers and that we do not have our own genuine nationalism (Cruz, 1975). The development of nationalism in the Philippines is different from Europe where the idea germinated and its definition is contextual because nationalism has connotations that shift according to time, place and circumstances (Agoncillo, 1974). The colonial era of the Spanish brought misconceptions about who we really are and as time went on, the Americans reinforced those influences which made us more confused on who we really are (Marcos, 1980). The problem on how we were able to develop our Filipino sense of nationalism is expounded by Agoncillo (1974:40). He elaborated that our previous higher education molded the evolution of Filipino nationalism despite the Jesuit‘s style of education as mentioned by Jose Rizal - that they were not taught love of country but only what is beautiful and what is best. Another instance pertained to the people‘s majority support to the Philippine government‘s legal actions against the intrusion of Chinese military personnel in our territories in the Kalayaan Group of Islands. Most Filipinos backed the government‘s efforts to contest China‘s actions before the International Tribunal for the resolution of
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the dispute (Suarez, 2014:1). This mass approval is a gesture of the presence of Filipino nationalism. In contrasting the western and eastern concepts of nationalism, Plamenatz (1973) said in distinction that Western nationalism is civic and the non-Western nationalism or eastern is illiberal and oppressive. Several thinkers have made the same pronouncement that Western nationalism is essentially rational and liberal towards the appreciation of human rights and seeking cooperation while the eastern nationalism is focused on ethnocentrism and grounded in tribal feelings which is motivated by feelings of inferiority. In other words, the western nationalism is civic based while the eastern is ethnic based (Beiner, 1999). Another concept that can help understand nationalism is the concept of Ubuntuism. This concept does not promote surrendering individual‘s rights,which means to say that there is no sacrifice of freedom. It actually increases with the size of the group. People are after all only fully human when recognized by others (Zandberg, 2014). Moreover, Ubuntuism promotes that an ideal individual member of society or leader must possess kindness, generosity, modesty, helpfulness and humility (Broodryk, 2006:21). If only individuals possess those traits and that they treat other individuals in the society as same as they treat themselves, there is no need to surrender the rights of people to the state. Respect must be shown not only to other human beings, but also to the communal environment, animals, nature and the supernatural. It is therefore possible to live in a community where there is no external power to impose freedom (Broodryk, 2006:21).
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Timeline of the Development of Filipino Nationalism
To be able to give a brief presentation of data, the student-researchers provided a flowchart of events that presented the development of Filipino nationalism throughout the time and the factors that contributed to its conception. Opening of the Philippines to World Commerce (1834-1873) In 1834, Manila was opened From 1834-1873 several ports were opened: Sual, Iloilo, Zamboanga, Cebu, Legaspi ports
The Secularization Movement In 1862, Fr. Pedro Pelaez exposed the discrimination of Filipino clergies The execution of: Zamora, Burgos, Gomez the three most outspoken leaders of the movement awakened the people to push for reforms and representation. The return of the Jesuits and Dominicans known for their scholarship and maintained a relatively high standard of instruction and hence stimulated the progress of Philippine educational system.
The liberal regime of De la Torre (1869-1871)
The Spanish civil war in 1868 overthrew Queen Isabela II
In 1869, Governor Carlos Maria De la Torre arrived in the Philippines and applied democratic and liberal ideas
He encouraged freedom of speech and formation of associations
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The Propaganda Movement (1872) Systematic efforts to spread opinion and beliefs by means of pen and tongue The aims of the movement: 1. Integration of the colony as a regular province of Spain 2. Secularization of the parishes 3. The restoration of the representation of the Philippines to the Spanish Cortez 4. Restoration of freedom of speech, press, assembly and religion
The 1896 Philippine Revolution During the 19th century, colonial and feudal system of exploitation reached its fullest development and ripened. Under the strain of increasing exploitation, the national democratic aspirations of the broad masses of the people rose. The revolution was started by Katipunan led by Andres Bonifacio which asserted sovereignty of the Filipino people, the protection and promotion of civil liberties, the confiscation of friar estates and the elimination of theocratic rule.
The American Era (1899-1946) American aggression weakened the Filipino resistance but did not die out Laws were enacted by the Americans to counter the influence of revolution (Ex. Flag Law) Filipino liberators were labeled by the Americans as bandits to degrade their credibility and discourage other Filipinos from joining On Nov. 30, 1930, Crisanto Evangelista founded the Communist Party of the Philippines with an orientation against US imperialism HUKBALAHAP after fighting against the Japanese in Woeld War Two changed its name to Hukbong Mapagpalaya ng Bayan or HMB to fight with an anti-imperialist orientation against the Americans July 4, 1946, US gave the Philippines its independence
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The Japanese Era (1942-1945) At the height of the World War Two, Gen. McArthur left the Philippines after losing the battles against the Imperial Army HUKBALAHAP was formed to fight the Japanese invaders In 1944, McArthur returned and liberated the Philippine islands against the Japanese
Post-Japanese Era
In the 1960s, Partido Komunista ng Pilipinas merged with HMB to fight in an anti-US imperialism campaign along with the growing student movements They did not recognize July 4, 1946 as a genuine independence bestowed by the US because political machinery in the Philippines were submissive to the US because it was patterned the same as the US political system In Dec. 26, 1968, PKP was divided because of internal politics and clashing opinions. CPP-MLM was born with the drive against US imperialism and local forms of oppression and exploitation claiming that the fight of Andres Bonifacio for independence was unfinished and it is their moral obligation to continue the cause
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The polarization of nationalism in 1970s With the rise of the leftist movement and the occurrences of the Vietnam War, Filipinos became sensitive to their nationalist beliefs As described by Dr. Mojares, nationalism at that time became an either-or situation A mere speaking of foreign language can raise eyebrows and can be called as anti-nationalistic or pro-colonialism The arm struggle was rising because of the leftist belief that Spanish and American independence were just a sham
1986 People Power Revolution Nationalism shifted towards political transformations National identity is characterized towards the commitment to freedom and democracy Important corollary notions were struggle against tyranny and injustice
Pre-Spanish Period Before the Spaniards came, the people of the Philippine archipelago had a semicommunal and semi-slave social system in many parts and feudal system in some parts especially in Mindanao and Sulu where Islam has already been established. The basic political and economic unit in the whole archipelago was the barangay. It was headed by the chieftain called the rajah or datu. During the pre-colonial era the people were confined to the barangay which was the basic political and economic unit all over the archipelago. People belonged to more than 100 ethnolinguistic communities, but the
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overwhelming majority of them belonged to the biggest ethnolinguistic communities: Ilocano, Pangasinan, Kapampangan, Tagalog, Bisaya, Ilonggo, Waray and Maguindanao. It was possible for the Spanish colonialists to conquer by armed force and convert some communities to Christianity and then conscript from one locality in order to further carry out the conquest and conversion of another locality from the late 16th century onwards because the native people were divided into so many independent small societies and scores of ethnolinguistic communities (Guerrero, 2005). According to Mastura (1984), Muslim Filipinos were the only people who had successes in forming what could be called ―states‖ prior to the Spanish arrival in the Archipelago. The greatest achievement along this line was the Sultunate created by Kudarat who at the height of his power presided over the most extensive political entity governed by a native rule in the Philippines until the formation of the present republic. There was already an existing unity in the tribe or locality headed by Sultan Kudarat. Moreover, Mastura (1984) continued to explain that by holding the ideal espoused by Sultan Kudarat, that all Filipinos are one whatever be their faith, origin, or station in life – acting as a symbol and agent of that unity. This contention was supported by our Key Informant, a historian, Professor Imbong of UP Cebu he said that: ―During the pre-colonial period, the people were very regionalistic. The only region that achieved unity was Mindanao.”
28
Spanish Era Throughout the long period of Spanish colonial regime, many revolts broke out which was sporadic all over the archipelago against the tribute, corvee labor, commercial monopolies, excessive land rent, land grabbing, imposition of Catholic faith, arbitrary rules and other cruel practices of the colonial rulers. There were at least 200 revolts of uneven scope and duration. These grew with cumulative strength to create a great revolutionary tradition among the Filipino people. One of the most successful revolts in the first century were those led by Sulayman in 1564 and Magat Salamat in 1587-88 in Manila and by Malagat in 1596 in Cagayan. Almost simultaneously, Tamblot in Bohol and Bankaw in Leyte raised the flag of revolt. Revolts also broke out in Nueva Vizcaya and Cagayan respectively. The most widespread revolts that occured in the 17th century were those inspired by Sumuroy in the southern provinces and Maniago, Malong and Almazan in the north provinces of the archipelago. The Sumuroy revolt started in 1649 and spread northward to Albay and Camarines Sur and southward to Masbate, Cebu, Camiguin, Zamboanga and Northern Mindanao (Guerrero, 2005). As Professor Imbong added, ―There were many packet of revolts around the country but it was sporadic not yet really nationally united. One popular example of this was the revolution which was led by Dagohoy at Bohol.‖ Jose Maria Sison on his book For Democracy and Socialism against Imperialist Globalization wrote that: “National consciousness arose in the response to the intensification of colonial, feudal and racial oppression. The people started to realize that they must rise up as a new nation in armed revolution in order to liberate themselves from the foreign oppressors. National sentiment and aspirations became defined in terms of achieving national independence from Spanish colonialism and establishing a modern nation-state..” 29
According to Prof. Churchill in his article for the National Commission for Culture and the Arts which is entitled History of the Philippine Revolution, there was an impact to Filipino awareness towards nationalism when the Spanish opened the Philippines for world commerce. She wrote that, “The seeds of revolution were, in fact, sown earlier in the nineteenth century when Spain's enforced isolation of the Philippines was shattered with the opening of the country to foreign commerce and the resulting development of an export economy by non-Spanish foreign enterprises (British, American, Chinese)”. Consequently, “revolutionary and liberal movements in Europe and elsewhere, in addition to the persistence of friar autocratic rule, brought winds of change in the political climate in the Philippines.” Upon the opening of world commerce in the Philippines, the influx of liberal ideas of John Locke and Jean Jacques Rosseau were very influential to the sprout of early awareness of Filipino nationalism (Morano, 2014).
Secularization Movement and Gomburza The secularization movement during the Spanish period which was headed by Filipino priests Gomez, Burgos and Zamora who were the most outspoken leaders of the movement who were accused of conspiring to overthrow the Spanish colonialism and were garroted. They headed the movement which alleviated the plight of the Filipino priests by insisting on the prior right of the native secular clergy to assignment in parishes over that the friars newly arrived from Spain (Agoncillo, 2002). This also contributed to the awareness among the people said Prof. Imbong of UP Cebu. The secularization of the parishes which the Filipino clergymen had fought for was one of the factors that gave color to the struggle of the Filipinos for recognition. According to Professor Churchill,
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“The public garroting of the three secular priests who were the leaders of the secular movement (in effect, nationalization) of Philippine parishes on February 17, 1872 for their supposed complicity in a military mutiny in Cavity made the Revolution inevitable.” The return of Jesuits in 1859 followed by the Educational Decree of 1863 improved somehow the educational system of the Philippines. Teodoro Agoncillo on his book The Revolt of the Masses further argued that, “The Jesuits, long famous for their scholarship and foresight far ahead of any other religious order, maintained a high standard of instruction and hence stimulated the progress of the Philippines in education. Thus those who could afford to study for a career were admitted into the Jesuit and Dominican colleges in Manila and elsewhere, and it was these Filipino intellegentsia that agitated reforms, calculated to improve the social and cultural status of the people.” Father Feodor Jagor adds that ―the old situation is no longer feasible with the social changes that time has wrought. Every facility of communication opens a breach in the old system and motivates reforms of a liberal nature. The more capital and foreign ideas penetrate, the more they augment the well-being, intelligence and self-esteem, thus making the existing evils more intolerable.”
The Liberal Regime of De la Torre Another contributing factor of the early realization of Filipino nationalism was the liberal regime of Governor General De la Torre. Following the Spanish revolution of September 1868, in which the unpopular Queen Isabella II was deposed, the new government appointed General Carlos María de la Torre governor of the Philippines. An outspoken liberal, de la Torre extended to Filipinos the promise of reform. In a break with established practice, he fraternized with Filipinos, invited them to the governor's palace, and rode with them in official processions. Filipinos in turn welcomed de la Torre warmly, held a "liberty parade" to celebrate the adoption of the liberal 1869 Spanish constitution, and established a reform committee to lay the foundations of a new order.
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Prominent among de la Torre's supporters in Manila were professional and business leaders of the ilustrado community and, perhaps more significantly, Filipino secular priests. These included the learned Father José Burgos, a Spanish mestizo, who had published a pamphlet, Manifesto to the Noble Spanish Nation, criticizing those racially prejudiced Spanish who barred Filipinos from the priesthood and government service (Dolan, 1991). As an effect to the liberalization program of De la Torre, Dolan (1991) explained that De la Torre abolished censorship of newspapers and legalized the holding of public demonstrations, free speech, and assembly--rights guaranteed in the 1869 Spanish constitution. Students at the University of Santo Tomás formed an association, the Liberal Young Students (Juventud Escolar Liberal), and in October 1869 held demonstrations protesting the abuses of the university's Dominican friar administrators and teachers.
The Propaganda Movement One of the seeds of nationalism was the Propaganda Movement led by Filipino intellectuals like Jose Rizal, Marcelo H. Del Pilar and Graciano Lopez Jaena in which Jose Rizal first used the term ―Filipinos‖ in reference to the ―Indios‖ or the natives of the Philippines used by the Spanish colonizers which made Filipinos to become aware of their national identity and not anymore as Tagalogs, Malays or Cebuanos said Prof. Imbong. The Propaganda Movement also became an effective medium for the free expression of the propagandists. They demanded the removal of the friars and the secularization of the parishes, representation of the Philippines in the Spanish Cortes,
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participation in the conduct of the government, equality before the law, freedom of assembly, press and of speech and a wider social and individual freedom. The Ilustrados who were the young, educated Filipino are the ones who are credited to have thought of a Filipino community free from colonial rule (Ileto, 2008). This claim is also supported by Teodoro Agoncillo on his book The Revolt of the Masses that, “The Ilustrados learned that they as Filipinos were not inferior to other people, certainly not to Spaniards. This heightend consciousness led to the dissolution of the aura of authority and the halo of grace that had bound Filipinos to the colonial order. Realizing such injustices done to them, as forced labor, taxes and inequality before the law, the ilustrados began to wage a propaganda campaign aimed to make Filipinos and Spaniards equal within the existing colonial framework: they wanted reforms not independence. In spite of their limited aims, however, the Ilustrados are credited with having first conceived of a Filipino national community.” As Resil B. Mojares writes in his book Brains of the Nation: “The production of modern knowledge by Filipinos was determinative in the rise of Philippine nationalism. In the late nineteenth century, Filipinos, increasingly self-aware in their nationality, started to lay the local foundations of such disciplines as history, anthropology, linguistics, political science and sociology. Filipinos were engaged in cultural selfdefinition in the context of anti-colonial nation-formation. Disciplines were cultivated not as specialized, abstract systems but as instruments and ways towards understanding and “organizing” society. Varied in their creative and critical practices, Filipino intellectuals worried about their relation to the country from, of and for which they spoke and traced the possibilities of an autonomous, critical voice in dialogue of the West.”
The 1896 Philippine Revolution Under the strain of increasing exploitation, the national and democratic aspirations of the masses rose. As oppression heightened, the spirit of resistance among the ruled, especially the peasant masses, increased until the Philippine Revolution of 1996 broke out. The clear revolutionary call for separation from Spain was made by the 33
Kataastaasang Kagalang-galang na Katipunan ng mga Anak ng Bayan which was secretly founded by leader Andres Bonifacio immediately after Rizal‘s arrest in 1892. The guiding ideology of the revolution was that of the liberal bourgeoisie which was modeled upon the French Revolution. The revolution asserted the sovereignty of the Filipino people, the protection and promotion of civil liberties, the confiscation of the friar estates and the elimination of theocratic rule (Guerrero, 2005). As a concept and historical force, Filipino nationality was originally a product of the revolutionary movement of the people led by the revolutionary organization which is Katipunan. Previously, the Spanish colonialists referred to their colonial native subjects as indios or indigenes and to the Philippine-born Spaniards as Filipinos. The revolutionaries categorically appropriated the term Filipino in a manifesto to refer to the entire colonized people of various ethnolinguistic communities in the struggle for national liberation. Previously, the Katipunan leaders and common people often referred to themselves as Tagalog, Malay or lahing kayumanggi and the reformists in the propaganda movement in Spain as indios bravos or noble indios. Filipino nationality was first of all a political-revolutionary term and at the same time carried political, socioeconomic and cultural significance and content. It denoted revolutionary will and movement of the people to establish the first nation-state encompassing the entire archipelago (Sison, 2006).
American Era Amado Guerrero writes in his book Philippine Society and Revolution: “The people of Bicol continued to wage armed struggle until 1903 when their leader Simeon Ola betrayed them by surrendering. In Visayas, 34
particularly Cebu, Samar, Leyte and Panay, the Pulahanes fought fierce against US aggressor troops and the puppet constabulary. So did the masses of Cavite, Batangas, Laguna and Quezon even after general amnesty was issued. In Central Luzon, a religious organization, the Santa Iglesia, also waged armed resistance. In the Ilocos, associations that proclaimed themselves as the New Katipunan conducte a guerilla war for national independence against US imperialism. The most prominent of the final efforts to continue the revolutionary struggle in Luzon was led by Macario Sakay, from 1902 to 1906 in Bulacan, Pampanga, Laguna, Neuva Ecija and Rizal. However, the fiercest armed resistance after 1902 was waged by the people of Mindanao until as late as 1916.” The status of the Philippines as a colony continued under the US colonial rule. The evils of the Spanish colonial regime were also carried over to the US colonial regime. The exploitation of the people became more intensified as Philippines became a source of raw materials and a market for its surplus products. US imperialism drew from the country commercial crops such as sugar, coconut and hem and also raw materials such as logs and mineral ores. The peasantry became more impoverished and the colonial exchange of raw materials and finished products hastened which crushed local manufacturers and which compelled the people to buy these finished goods and to produce mainly raw materials (Guerrero, 2005). Filipino nationalism was extremely challenged during the American era, but did not completely vanish but instead became stronger. Our Key Informant Professor Imbong argued that, “Due to the aggression of the Americans the resistance by the Filipinos was suppressed but the people still had a strong sense of nationalism. In fact, despite the American aggression, there were several laws enacted by the Americans which aims to assail the strong sense of nationhood among the Filipinos. Among this is the Anti-Flag Law which prohibits the Filipinos to display in public the Philippine Flag because it is a subversive act that does not recognize the Supreme authority of the imperialist, which was a crime punishable by death.”
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Moreover, Prof. Imbong expounded that this is one bold example of the American Government‘s efforts to cut stop the nationalist feelings of the Filipinos that time. The evils of the Spanish colonial regime were carried over the US colonial regime. The establishment of the public school system and the adoption of English as the medium of instruction enhanced the political and cultural indoctrination of the Filipinos which weakened national consciousness and facilitated colonial mentality .As a response to the growing demand for national and social liberation, the Communist Party of the Philippines was established by Crisanto Evangelista which aimed to apply the universal theory of Marxism-Leninism with the concrete conditions of Philippine society. Prof. Imbong explained that in this point of history, Filipino nationalism became stronger by supplementing the ideas of Karl Marx and Vladimir Lenin and relating it to the condition of Philippine society which is characterized by foreign exploitation which necessitates for us to wage a national-liberation movement.
The Japanese Era When the Japanese invaded the Philippines on the Second World War, nationalism as anti-colonialism was raised to new heights of necessity by the brutal Japanese occupation. Ironically enough, this hatred for one colonizer only increased the longing for the return of the other colonizer and our blind faith in his promises (Constantino, 1984). Prof. Imbong explained that this means to say that despite our resistance against American imperialism, Filipinos longed for a liberation aided by the Americans against the Japanese. On March 1942, the (Hukbo ng Bayan Laban sa Hapon) Hukbalahap was formed which fought against the fascist invaders and asserted the
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sovereignty of the Filipino people. The patriotic Communists and Red fighters demonstrated heroic feats of combat against the Japanese. These patriots awakened the people and led them to gain a large measure of democratic power, particularly in Central Luzon and certain areas in Southern Luzon. The Communist Party and the Hukbahalap fought and stood out as the strongest guerilla force fiercely fighting the Japanese fascists and their puppets. It was their total effort which successfully drove out the Japanese forces in the country.
Marcos-Era President Ferdinand Marcos on An Ideology for Filipinos expounded on the needs to reform the moral consciousness of the people because he recognized that Filipinos were disoriented and confused and were not united on what is the right future that they must pursue. He declared Martial Law on September 21, 1972 in line with his vision to create a new society. A society with unity and citizens that are cooperative to the government. In this light, Marcos‘s true intent was not to prolong his stay in power, but to change and discipline Philippine society. Ultimately, despite his blatant desire for power, Marcos did too wish to instill a discipline that he believed Philippine society lacked (Unjieng, 2009). Growing nationalism in the Philippines was again repressed when martial law was declared in September 21, 1972, by Marcos. Many Philippine nationalists, among them student activists, who could not afford to flee into exile, took up arms and were arrested by the Philippine Constabulary. They were summarily branded as communists and executed. Many others were "silenced" by wholesale violation of their constitutional
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rights, such as the freedom of press, of speech and of assembly as Marcos begun to rule by decrees until the evening hours of February 25, 1986, when Marcos, his wife Imelda, and their 60-member entourage fled the grounds of the presidential palace in Manila for exile in Hawaii (Liu, 2003). Thus, after declaring martial law in 1972, in order to quell the Communist threat, which was effectively eliminated by 1976, Marcos then justified martial law as the only means to create the revolutionary, socially just, and economically equitable ―New Society‖ he claimed to seek (Wurfel, 1977). On Marcos Era, the character of Filipino nationalism was not anymore anticolonial because there was no more foreign exploitation but it was a nationalism that is geared towards the formation of a just nation that upholds the human rights and freedoms and a nation that champions democracy. This goal was achieved through peaceful revolution by the people that removed the Marcos regime and restored democracy in our country. Our Key Informant from NCCA Mr. Salazar conforms to this idea; he said that the Martial Law had a great impact on our idea of nationalism.
Post-Marcos Era-The 1986 People Power Revolution The 1986 Philippine People Power Movement was contributory to the expanded moral consciousness of the Filipinos and viewed moral education as essential to social and political transformation (Bonoan, 1994). As described by Bankoff and Weekley (2002), the attitude that Filipino national identity is characterized by commitment to freedom and democracy. This commitment usually includes important corollary notions such as an ongoing struggle against tyranny and injustice.
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Theoretical Framework The theory used in understanding Filipino nationalism was communitarianism. Communitarians believed that the sense of community exists in the form of social practices, cultural practices and social understandings. Communitarianism could help develop a sense of common national identity. Communitarians argued that states try to develop solidarity by appealing to ideals of ―nationhood‖. Each tried to convince its citizens that they form a ―nation‖ and hence belong together to a single political community and owe each other special obligations. Since the people who share a state are not only co-citizens but also co-nationals, there is a natural bond of solidarity and a natural desire to exercise self-government. The rise of nationalism valorized ‗the people‘ and that nations are defined in terms of ‗the people‘ – i.e. mass population on a territory, regardless of class or occupation--- who become the bearer of sovereignty, the central object of loyalty and the basis of collective solidarity (Greenfield 1992:14). Nationalism has created the idea of single national community which encompasses all classes on the territory. The basis of national identity need not to be a shared conception of the good but a rather thinner and more diffuse sense of belongingness to an intergenerational society, sharing a common territory, having a common post and sharing a common future. This indeed is how national identities function in the western democracies. Citizens think of themselves as ‗American‘ for example and identify each other Americans without sharing a common religion or conception of the good. Americans disagree with each other about the good life but they still recognize and identify each other as Americans, because they share a sense of belonging to an intergenerational society which has some historical reference points and a common future (Kymlicka, 2002). In addition, communitarianism
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can be used in two types: first, Philosophical Communitarianism is primarily concerned with metaphysical and epistemological issues
as
distinct
from
policy
issues.
It
specifically opposes classical Liberalism, that which construes communities as originating from the voluntary acts
of pre-community or atomistic individuals.
It
emphasizes the role of the community in defining and shaping individuals. It believes that the value of community is not sufficiently recognized in liberal theories of justice. Second, Ideological Communitarianism can be seen as a radical centrist ideology (a third way philosophy which includes the belief that, in affirming the core principles involved on both sides of a political argument, the disagreement can be resolved or rendered moot). It is sometimes marked by leftism on economic issues and conservatism on social issues. Communitarians seek to bolster social capital (the value to democracy of social networks and groups) and the institutions of civil society. It also affirms positive rights such as state subsidized education, state subsidized housing, a safe and clean environment, universal health care, extensive public works programs, and often even the right to a job, and laws limiting pollution, gun ownership, etc (Mastin, 2008:1). Communitarianism as explained by Dr. Resil Mojares author of the book, Brains of the Nation is a localized form of nationalism. Nationalism is national in perspective because it tries to understand the feels and clamours of society based on its national interests. Unlike communitarianism, the theory is focused on a local perspective which tries to understand how local communities work and influence each other in terms of culture and political aspirations. And since the Philippines has an archipelagic setup with more than 7,000 islands and diverse native cultures, it is challenging and effective to use communitarianism in understanding Filipino concept of nationalism. This study put into
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consideration the involvement of communities and how they reacted and interacted with each other when circumstances arose that their beliefs and traditions were being threatened thus, giving the rise of Filipino nationalism. The challenges and breakthroughs of Filipino nationalism could also be examined through the use of communitarianism as a theoretical framework.
Conceptual Framework
Nationalism What is Nationalism Types of Nationalism Achievements Filipino Nationalism Historical Background Types of Nationalism Breakthroughs, Limitations, and Challenges Communitarianism What is Communitarianism Connection with Nationalism
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CHAPTER 3 RESEARCH METHODOLOGY
The purpose of this research methodology was to understand the Filipino concept of nationalism on whether it is existent or in the process of becoming or whatever its current status is. Literatures had varying takes on the status of nationalism in this country. In order to understand deeper, the student-researchers would be doing a review of related literatures pertaining to Filipino nationalism and scholarly interviews with key informants who were individuals knowledgeable in the aforementioned concept. Considerations were made to those who came from the academe especially in the departments of History and Philosophy and government agency such as National Commission for Culture and the Arts in order to relate whether the pronouncements in the literatures are still relevant up to this day and to be able to contribute something to the understanding and the discourse of Filipino nationalism. This chapter would present the research environment of the study and the research respondents used in gathering important information. Also the research instruments and the research procedures would be discussed in order to know how to handle the data retrieved.
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Research Environment The locale of this study was focused on the Philippines at large. Despite the wide range of geographical area, the student-researchers found it compelling to research about Filipino concept of nationalism in two divisions and/or timeframes: pre-Marcos and postMarcos. Due to varying pronouncements of Filipino scholars about Filipino nationalism, the student-researchers made use of the era of Ferdinand Marcos‘ administration (19651986) as the point of reference considering the late Philippine president‘s vocal contributions to the discussion on nationalism. The former President Ferdinand Marcos (1980) once said that as an effect to our colonial experiences, we have no clear conception on who we really are, what do we stand for, what we are dreaming for and what our world as Filipinos is leading to. The study focused on two timeframes in Philippine history in order to explain Filipino nationalism. The study highlighted the Marcos-era (pre and post) because this was the particular stage of the Philippine history that nationalism took the spotlight and elevated itself to be admired by the world. The first timeframe was the pre-Marcos era. It consisted the eras of early pre-Spanish, Spanish, American, Japanese and post-Japanese. The post-Marcos era explained the concept of nationalism among Filipinos when the former dictator was forced to leave his office after a successful bloodless mass revolution which was commonly called the EDSA People Power Revolution. The Marcos-era of nationalism which covers almost 20 years of leadership by President Marcos would also be discussed in the paper.
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Research Respondents Respondents of this study were involved in a Key Informant Interview (K.I.I.).These key informants were known to be knowledgeable and had specialized training-exposures in Political Philosophy, Philippine History, Philippine Culture and Politics. They were requested to explain the early concept and historical facts that helped develop Filipino nationalism, to enumerate important breakthroughs and challenges being faced by Filipino nationalism, and to further contribute to the theoretical discourse and future potentials of Filipino nationalism. The first type of respondents was composed of history professors whose area of specialization was on the Filipino Culture. The selection was intended as such to be able for the student-researchers to understand the behaviors and conducts of Filipinos which could be attributed to nationalism. The second type of respondents consisted of Philosophy professors who were very much oriented on the influences, dynamics, and theoretical connotations in the parlance of Political Philosophy with regards to the formation of Filipino nationalism. The last type of respondents composed of resource persons from identified government agencies in charge of the preservation and promotion of the Philippine culture. The set- up is as such for the researchers to be able to understand the relationship between the past culture to that of the present culture of Filipinos as well as on whether they exhibit a sense of nationalism or not. Additional key informant interviewees were included for the same purpose of providing more information about the subject matter. All responses were processed and cross-referenced to the framework established by Michael Hechter (2000) so that substantial theorizing on the possible future of Filipino nationalism would be pursued.
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The respondents were aware of the classifications of nationalism characterized by Michael Hechter. Their answer-contributions to the questions posed by the studentresearchers would be used to create a matrix of the characteristics that explain the type of Filipino nationalism. In order to handle carefully the biases that might spoil the objectivity and the prospective output of the study, the student-researchers invited intellectuals to be the respondents for key informant interviews that are accomplished authors and coming from different perspectives of the political spectrum which were at the same time knowledgeable about nationalism and Hechter‘s types of nationalism. The student-researchers asked a key informant from the left political spectrum who considers himself as having a Marxist political orientation. The next respondent was coming from a liberal democratic perspective and a book author and university lecturer. Another one is from the center of the political spectrum and knowledgeable about party politics and communitarianism and one of the draftors of the Bangsamoro Basic Law. Also, one of the respondents was coming from the national government agency which is the National Commission for Culture and the Arts, which is the government‘s main agency in promoting Philippine heritage, arts, development of pluralistic culture and preservation of traditional cultures. His answers were contributory to this study in order to learn what are the prospects and projects of the government towards promoting, preserving and developing our nationalism. The first respondent for the key informant interview was Dr. Resil Mojares, a renowned book author in the fields of Philippine history and Filipino culture. One of his published books was the Brains of the Nation which was used in this study for references. Dr. Mojares expounded the historical facts about Filipino nationalism especially during
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the 1970s and 1980s. He elaborated the types of nationalism existing in the Philippines by eras. He is also knowledgeable about the possible future impacts of regional integrations or globalization towards Filipino nationalism. The next respondent was Prof. Regletto Aldrich Imbong, a History, Philosophy and Political Science professor from the University of the Philippines - Cebu. He is observed to possess the knowledge about Philippine history and Filipino culture, and the development of Filipino nationalism. He was able to point out certain eventualities in history that were contributorty to the development and realization of Filipino nationalism as contextualized by the student-researchers. Ms. Cristita Marie Giangan was our next respondent. Coming from the centrist perspective, she was one of the founding members of the Centrist Democracy Party of the Philippines and author of a paper entitled Institutions in the Future Bangsamoro New Political Entity Options and Considerations which aimed to detail the options on how the institutions of the future Bangsamoro may look like. Having obtained her Master‘s degree in Public Management and Development, she possesses the knowledge about public management and political institutions and its effects amongst many others. She was one of the contributors of the book Kapulongan: Conversations with Cebuano Writers which was published in 2008. The last but not the least informant was Mr. Lawrence Salazar. Having a master‘s degree in History, Mr. Salazar is currently a member of the Technical Committees on Historical Research and National Observances of the National Commission for Culture and the Arts. His fields of expertise are Social Sciences and History. His contributions to the study were helpful in learning how the government recognizes Filipino nationalism
46
and what are its potential challenges and breakthroughs. He was aware of Michael Hechter‘s classifications of nationalism and provided useful answers as to what classification best describes Filipino nationalism.
Research Instruments The research instruments that were used in the conduct of this study consisted of documents review and key informant interviews (K.I.I.). The first instrument was intended to go over available data sources such as: books, journals and articles that contain relevant information that could be helpful to the study. Through this method, it would help the researchers gather and process useful information in order to answer the specific objectives of the study. The Key Informant Interview (KII) would be able to supplement and provide relevant information that would support the outputs of the documents review. Interviews were
done
through
personal
meet-ups
47
and
electronic
mails.
In addition, the researchers will follow the template provided below in their Documents Review.
Author Year Title Publishing Company Main Arguments Page Number Critique SOP being addressed
Research Procedures Gathering of Data The researchers used a qualitative strategy in gathering and analyzing relevant data. The researchers reviewed related literatures such as: books, journals and articles which were relevant to the topic that could validate and support the information gathered from the key informant interview. The researchers formulated guide questions that would facilitate the flow of discussion in the Key Informant Interview. These questions were subjected to pre-testing procedures for validation. The gathering of data for key informant interview was through personal interview and electronic mail.
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Treatment of Data The data gathered from the Documents Review and Key Informant Interviews were used to analyze what is Nationalism as cross-referenced with the framework advanced by Michael Hechter (2000). The data gathered were used in identifying the breakthroughs and challenges of Filipino Nationalism and also to develop future discussions on Filipino Nationalism. Descriptive and qualitative research methodology would be employed thereto. This study was guided with specific objectives. The specific objective number one which was to find out the historical background of Filipino nationalism was dealt with by focusing first on documents review. After the documents review, the student-researchers performed a key informant interview. The answers by the respondents of the key informant interviews and the data gathered through documents review were crossreferenced in order to get the obvious and concluding answers. Then, the studentresearchers consolidated all dominant answers in order to explain the exact historical background of Filipino nationalism. To present the concluding data or answers, the student-researchers created a timeline in order to highlight important facts on Philippine history that were influential to the development of Filipino nationalism. The second objective was to identify the kind of nationalism that the Filipinos possess by utilizing the classifications made by Michael Hechter (2000). In order to achieve the correct description of the kind of Filipino nationalism, the student-researchers created a matrix that comprised the characteristics of each types of nationalism along with the findings of the key informant interviews and documents reviewed that described Philippine society in terms of its trending actions from the past up to the present,
49
converging points that resulted to common actions and the kind of society existing in the Philippines. The findings of the KII and documents review were cross-referenced with the characteristics of each considered types of nationalism according to Michael Hechter. The most obvious type of nationalism would be the one which compliments unanimously and convincingly the findings based on KII and documents review. The third specific objective was dependent on the outcome of the second specific objective. After establishing on what is the type or kind of nationalism that Filipinos possess, the student-researchers tried to extract useful informations based on the documents reviews such as journals that document the contemporary issues and challenges that are being faced by Filipino nationalism. The student-researchers made use of the information that was provided by the resource person coming from the National Commission for Culture and the Arts. The commission is in-charge on the promotion and preservation of national cultures and traditions or the nationalism as a whole. The data that were extracted from the key informants would be beneficial in explaining the current condition of Filipino nationalism in the contemporary times. Moreover, the informations gathered as a response to the third specific objective would also be useful in theorizing the future potentials of Filipino nationalism. For the fourth specific objective which was to determine the breakthroughs and challenges of Filipino nationalism, the student-researchers thematized the breakthorughs and challenges based on the timelines as specified in the research environment. The student-researchers applied documents review on the past challenges and breakthroughs during the pre-Marcos era (pre-Spanish, American, Japanese, post-Japanese) and the
50
post-Marcos era. The relevant informations gathered were cross-referenced with the key informants in order to verify the accurateness of the gathered data. For the fifth objective which was to theorize on the future potentials of Filipino nationalism, the student-researchers would carefully examine the major issues that were encountered by Filipino nationalism during the colonial eras and the recent era. Then, put into consideration the reasons behind how nationalism countered such issues. Also, the recent issues faced during the Marcos era and the post-Marcos eras of nationalism were taken into consideration especially the effects of the EDSA People Power Revolution. The student-researchers analyzed the trend on what were the major challenges faced by Filipino nationalism and how to pre-empt such challenges so that it could not resurface in the future.
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Research Design or Schematic Diagram
Understanding Filipino concept of nationalism
Historical Background
Type or Kind of Nationalism
Breakthroughs, Limitations and Challenges
Characteristics or Elements of Communitarianism
Books, Journals, Articles, National Commission for Culture and the Arts, Professors from History and Philosophy Departments of Institutions of Higher Learning
Key Informant Interview
Documents Review
Elements or Characteristics of Communitarianism
interplay Nationalism
Filipino sense of nationalism
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CHAPTER 4 PRESENTATION, INTERPRETATION AND ANALYSIS OF DATA
This chapter involved the presentation, analysis and interpretation of data that were gathered using the Key Informant Interview and Documents Review. The data presentation was arranged according to the identified specific objectives. The next part was the presentation of the analysis of the findings and its relevance to the specific objectives of the study. Lastly, the student-researchers presented their interpretation of the data gathered.
Timeline of the Development of Filipino Nationalism To be able to give a brief presentation of data, the student-researchers provided a flowchart highlighting only the important events which helped develop the Filipino concept of nationalism. The student-researchers explained the concept of Filipino nationalism in every era through thematic presentation.
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Flowchart and Description of the Development of Filipino Nationalism Pre-Spanish Era: Regionalistic The native people were divided into so many independent small societies Ethnic communities were just concerned on their own local interests
Spanish-Era: Anti-Colonial
Opening of the Philippines to World Commerce (1834-1873) In 1834, Manila was opened From 1834-1873 several ports were opened: Sual, Iloilo, Zamboanga, Cebu, Legaspi ports
The Secularization Movement The execution of: Zamora, Burgos, Gomez the three most outspoken leaders of the movement awakened the people to push for reforms and representation. Liberal ideas came to the Philippines (1863) Liberal magazines and books written by liberal writers were brought to the country such as the works of Rousseau and Locke, the ideas from the American and French revolution also came in. The liberal regime of De la Torre (1869-1871) In 1869, Governor Carlos Maria De la Torre arrived in the Philippines and applied democratic and liberal ideas and encouraged freedom of speech and formation of associations
The Propaganda Movement (1872) Aims to: 1. Integration of the colony as a regular province of Spain 2. Restoration of freedom of speech, press, assembly and religion The 1896 Philippine Revolution The revolution was started by Katipunan led by Andres Bonifacio which asserted sovereignty of the Filipino people, the protection and promotion of civil liberties, the confiscation of friar estates and the elimination of theocratic rule.
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The American Era (1899-1946): Anti-Imperial Laws were enacted by the Americans to counter the influence of revolution (Ex. Flag Law) On Nov. 30, 1930, Crisanto Evangelista founded the Communist Party of the Philippines with an orientation against US imperialism HUKBALAHAP after fighting against the Japanese in World War Two changed its name to Hukbong Mapagpalaya ng Bayan or HMB to fight with an anti-imperialist orientation against the Americans July 4, 1946, US gave the Philippines its independence
The Japanese Era (1942-1945): Anti-Imperial HUKBALAHAP was formed to fight the Japanese invaders In 1944, McArthur returned and liberated the Philippine islands against the Japanese
Post-Japanese Era: Anti-Colonial(Continuation of the Spanish Era) In the 1960s, Partido Komunista ng Pilipinas merged with HMB to fight in an anti-US imperialism campaign along with the growing student movements In Dec. 26, 1968, PKP was divided because of internal politics and clashing opinions. CPPMLM was born with the drive against US imperialism and local forms of oppression and exploitation claiming that the fight of Andres Bonifacio for independence was unfinished and it is their moral obligation to continue the cause
Marcos Era: Polarized As described by Dr. Mojares, nationalism at that time became an either-or situation A mere speaking of foreign language can raise eyebrows and can be called as antinationalistic or pro-colonialism
Post-Marcos Era: Towards Freedom and Democracy Nationalism shifted towards political transformations National identity is characterized towards the commitment to freedom and democracy Important corollary notions were struggle against tyranny and injustice
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“In its origins and development, Philippine or Filipino nationality is first of all a political concept that has arisen and developed from the necessity of uniting and activating the entire people of various social conditions and cultural traits in the anti-colonial and then the anti-imperialist struggles for national independence and democracy” (Sison, 2009).
Pre-Spanish Period: Regionalistic Yet Undeveloped Nationalism The theme of Filipino nationalism during this era could be described as ―Regionalistic‘. Professor Churchill of the NCCA wrote that during the pre-colonial era the people were confined to the barangay which was the basic political and economic unit all over the archipelago. The native people were divided into so many independent small societies and scores of ethnolinguistic communities. Even before the arrival of the Spaniards in the Philippines, the Islamic Sultanates in Mindanao already had an early sense of nationhood only on a local or tribal level, which could be considered as an early and raw form of nationalism. Moreover, Mastura (1984) continued to explain that by holding the ideal espoused by Sultan Kudarat, all Filipinos are one in whatever faith, origin, or station in life they may be – acting as a symbol and agent of that unity. This contention was supported by our historian Key Informant, Professor Imbong of UP Cebu. He said that, ―During the pre-colonial period, the people were very regionalistic. The only region that achieved unity was Mindanao.” Based on the documents reviewed and the pronouncements of the key informant, the native people were characteristically divided into so many independent small societies and ethnolinguistic communities in which their sense of nationalism could be described as ―regionalistic or community based.‖ The people in this era were still not able to conceive a sense of nationhood among them because they were confined to their 56
communities to which they identify themselves as having communal pracritices, common tradition, common experiences and dialect, and not yet as people possessing homogenous identity under one nation. Their loyalty is given to the community and their idea of sovereignty is reduced to the community level. They are inferred to be having the natural desire to self-government headed by the datu and not yet as people having a collective identity wanting to exercise national sovereignty. It is apparent that the idea that the whole archipelago constitutes together as one whole nation was not yet known among the people. Based on the characteristics of state-building nationalism as expounded by Michael Hechter, as early as this era, the Pre-Spanish time was composed of only multicultural population because of its diverse local cultures and packets of reactions against external influences which was sporadic all over the archipelago. The localities reacted independently depending on how their traditions and culture were being disturbed and threatened to be replaced by the foreign colonizers.
Spanish Era: The Struggle Against Colonialism The theme of Filipino nationalism during the Spanish Era was ―anti-colonial‖. Throughout the long period of Spanish colonial regime, many revolts broke out which was sporadic all over the archipelago against the tribute, corvee labor, commercial monopolies, excessive land rent, land grabbing, imposition of Catholic faith, arbitrary rules and other cruel practices of the colonial rulers. There were at least 200 revolts of uneven scope and duration. The most widespread revolts that occured in the 17th century were those inspired by Sumuroy in the southern provinces and Maniago, Malong and Almazan in the north provinces of the archipelago. The Sumuroy revolt started in 1649 57
and spread northward to Albay and Camarines Sur and southward to Masbate, Cebu, Camiguin, Zamboanga and Northern Mindanao (Guerrero, 2005). As Professor Imbong added: “There were many packets of revolts around the country but it was sporadic, not yet really nationally united. One popular example of this was the revolution which was led by Dagohoy at Bohol.” Jose Maria Sison, in his book For Democracy and Socialism Against Imperialist Globalization, wrote that: “National consciousness arose in the response to the intensification of colonial, feudal and racial oppression. The people started to realize that they must rise up as a new nation in armed revolution in order to liberate themselves from the foreign oppressors. National sentiment and aspirations became defined in terms of achieving national independence from Spanish colonialism and establishing a modern nation-state.” According to Prof. Churchill in her article for the National Commission for Culture and the Arts which is entitled History of the Philippine Revolution, there was an impact to Filipino awareness towards nationalism when the Spanish opened the Philippines for world commerce. She wrote that, “The seeds of revolution were, in fact, sown earlier in the nineteenth century when Spain's enforced isolation of the Philippines was shattered with the opening of the country to foreign commerce and the resulting development of an export economy by non-Spanish foreign enterprises (British, American, Chinese)”. Consequently, “revolutionary and liberal movements in Europe and elsewhere, in addition to the persistence of friar autocratic rule, brought winds of change in the political climate in the Philippines.”
The succeeding sub-topics that would be discussed were the important eventualities that happened during the Spanish era that were influential in the formation
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of Filipino nationalism. The student-researchers would expound on what happened during such events and how it contributed to the development of Filipino nationalism.
A) Secularization Movement and Gomburza The secularization of the parishes which the Filipino clergymen had fought for was one of the factors that gave color to the struggle of the Filipinos for recognition. According to Professor Churchill, the public garroting of the three secular priests who were the leaders of the secular movement (in effect, nationalization) of Philippine parishes on February 17, 1872 for their supposed complicity in a military mutiny in Cavity, made the Revolution inevitable. Teodoro Agoncillo in his book The Revolt of the Masses further argued that, “The Jesuits, long famous for their scholarship and foresight far ahead of any other religious order, maintained a high standard of instruction and hence stimulated the progress of the Philippines in education. Thus those who could afford to study for a career were admitted into the Jesuit and Dominican colleges in Manila and elsewhere, and it was these Filipino intellegentsia that agitated reforms, calculated to improve the social and cultural status of the people.”
The next discussion would focus on how the Governor General became influential in developing and igniting national consciousness of Filipino nationalism.
B) The Liberal Regime of De la Torre Another contributing factor of the early realization of Filipino nationalism was the liberal regime of Governor General De la Torre. As an effect to the liberalization program of De la Torre, Dolan (1991) explained that De la Torre abolished censorship of newspapers and legalized the holding of public demonstrations, free speech, and 59
assembly - rights guaranteed in the 1869 Spanish constitution. Students at the University of Santo Tomás formed an association, the Liberal Young Students (Juventud Escolar Liberal), and in October 1869 held demonstrations protesting the abuses of the university's Dominican friar administrators and teachers. The preceeding topic would expound on the influences of the illustrados during the Spanish era on how they were able to conceive nationalism and what were their aims of the Propaganda movement.
C) The Propaganda Movement One of the seeds of nationalism was the Propaganda Movement led by Filipino intellectuals like Jose Rizal, Marcelo H. Del Pilar and Graciano Lopez Jaena in which Jose Rizal first used the term ―Filipinos‖ in reference to the ―Indios‖ or the natives of the Philippines used by the Spanish colonizers which made Filipinos to become aware of their national identity and not anymore as Tagalogs, Malays or Cebuanos said Prof. Imbong. This claim is also supported by Teodoro Agoncillo in his book The Revolt of the Masses that, “The Ilustrados learned that they as Filipinos were not inferior to other people, certainly not to Spaniards. This heightend consciousness led to the dissolution of the aura of authority and the halo of grace that had bound Filipinos to the colonial order. Realizing such injustices done to them, as forced labor, taxes and inequality before the law, the ilustrados began to wage a propaganda campaign aimed to make Filipinos and Spaniards equal within the existing colonial framework: they wanted reforms not independence. In spite of their limited aims, however, the Ilustrados are credited with having first conceived of a Filipino national community.” As Resil B. Mojares wrote in his book Brains of the Nation, “The production of modern knowledge by Filipinos was determinative in the rise of Philippine nationalism. In the late nineteenth century, Filipinos, increasingly self-aware in their nationality, started to lay the local 60
foundations of such disciplines as history, anthropology, linguistics, political science and sociology. Filipinos were engaged in cultural selfdefinition in the context of anti-colonial nation-formation. Disciplines were cultivated not as specialized, abstract systems but as instruments and ways towards understanding and “organizing” society. Varied in their creative and critical practices, Filipino intellectuals worried about their relation to the country from, of and for which they spoke and traced the possibilities of an autonomous, critical voice in dialogue of the West.” After the demise of the famous illustrado named Dr. Jose Rizal, Filipinos were looking for another option on how to topple the Spanish regime in the country. The next discussion would focus on how the Philippine Revolution emerged and what were its successes and challenges.
D) The 1896 Philippine Revolution The clear revolutionary call for separation from Spain was made by the Kataastaasang Kagalang-galang na Katipunan ng mga Anak ng Bayan which was secretly founded by leader Andres Bonifacio immediately after Rizal‘s arrest in 1892. The guiding ideology of the revolution was that of the liberal bourgeoisie which was modeled upon the French Revolution. The revolution asserted the sovereignty of the Filipino people, the protection and promotion of civil liberties, the confiscation of the friar estates, and the elimination of theocratic rule. Based on the mentioned facts from the KII and documents review, the Spanish era of colonization helped in developing the awareness and consciousness of Filipinos on who they really are and what actions they must take in order to put an end to the slavery and injustices imposed by the Spaniards. As an effect, hatred and anger sprouted within the hearts and minds of the early Filipinos that made them believe that their colonizers must be evicted out of their homeland, thus, theming their struggle as anti-colonial. 61
Based on the mentioned facts from the KII and documents review, national consciousness among the people began to arise because of the oppression made by the Spanish colonizers which in effect made the people aware of the certain need to organize mass movements that are necessary to liberate themselves from the exploitation of the Spaniards. Throughout the 333 years of Spanish rule, there were many nationalist movements and armed struggles throughout the country as a way to counter the oppression made by the colonizers. Education also played an important role in the sprouting of nationalistic feelings of the people because through the increasing quality of education in the Philippines and also with the efforts of the young Filipinos who were educated abroad, they exposed the injustices of the colonizers and they learned that they need to form a nation free from Spanish control. The researchers infer that the idea of Filipino nationalism began in this period under the theme of anti-colonialism, which was primarily because of the material conditions that existed in this era as associated by the heavy oppression made by the colonizers. Such condition helped the Filipinos who were formerly called indios to unite under the Filipino identity amidst local diversities and for a national liberation against the Spanish oppressors. As nationalistic sentiments began among the people, they started to identify themselves as individuals belonging to one nation having a common history and experience, and a common goal which is to eliminate foreign oppression and establish a sovereign nation. As a consequence of Filipino nationalism, the 1896 Philippine Revolution erupted which ultimately lead to the defeat of the colonizers. State-Building nationalism was already evident in this era. Filipinos became united amidst the diversities present. Before the Spanish Period, the people were identified according to the ethnolinguistic communities to which they belong such as: the 62
Tagalogs, Bisaya or Warays. At the time of the Spanish Period, the people who were formerly labelled Indios by the Spaniards already identified themselves as having a national and single identity as Filipinos belonging to one nation. They are observed to have already possessed a homogenous identity. Based on Hechter‘s description of statebuilding nationalism, the visible characteristics that were present during the Spanish era were the struggles against colonialism - that despite the Filipinos‘ cultural differences, they were able to unite themselves against a common enemy.
American Era: Anti-Imperial Approach of Nationalism The theme of Filipino nationalism during the American era was ―anti-imperial‖. As Amado Guerrero writes in his book Philippine Society and Revolution: The people of Bicol continued to wage armed struggle until 1903 when their leader Simeon Ola betrayed them by surrendering. In Visayas, particularly Cebu, Samar, Leyte and Panay, the Pulahanes fought fierce against US aggressor troops and the puppet constabulary. So did the masses of Cavite, Batangas, Laguna and Quezon even after general amnesty was issued. In Central Luzon, a religious organization, the Santa Iglesia, also waged armed resistance. In the Ilocos, associations that proclaimed themselves as the New Katipunan conducte a guerilla war for national independence against US imperialism. The most prominent of the final efforts to continue the revolutionary struggle in Luzon was led by Macario Sakay, from 1902 to 1906 in Bulacan, Pampanga, Laguna, Neuva Ecija and Rizal. However, the fiercest armed resistance after 1902 was waged by the people of Mindanao until as late as 1916.” Key Informant Professor Imbong added that, “Due to the aggression of the Americans the resistance by the Filipinos was suppressed but the people still had a strong sense of nationalism. In fact, despite the American aggression, there were several laws enacted by the Americans whi [ch aims to assail the strong sense of nationhood among the Filipinos. Among this is the Anti-Flag Law which prohibits the Filipinos to display in public the Philippine Flag because it is a subversive act that does not recognize the Supreme authority of the imperialist, which was a crime punishable by death.” 63
As a response to the growing demand for national and social liberation, according to Prof. Imbong, the Communist Party of the Philippines was established by Crisanto Evangelista which aimed to apply the universal theory of Marxism-Leninism with the concrete conditions of Philippine society. Prof. Imbong explained that in this point of history, Filipino nationalism became stronger by supplementing the ideas of Karl Marx and Vladimir Lenin and relating it to the condition of Philippine society. Such is characterized by foreign exploitation and necessitated a wage for national-liberation movement. As what can be analysed based on the pronouncements of the book authors and key informants, Filipinos during the American era were still hungry for real freedom. The removal of one colonizer and being replaced by another one only fuelled their thirst for political reforms. Filipinos during the American era were refused to acknowledge Philippine sovereignty as what has been described above. Even the waving of the Philippine flag was criminalized. Because of their longing for freedom and reforms, the Filipino nationalism during the American era can be considered as anti-imperial because of its quests for political reforms and the discouragements of the Americans to the Filipinos to independently organize themselves politically without American influences. In this era, Filipino nationalism developed into a different approach which was described as anti-imperial aimed against the American colonizers. Filipino nationalism during this era was against American imperialism that allegedly exploited and oppressed the people. This particular challenge strengthened the solidarity of the Filipino nationalist movements to fight against the motives of imperialism, which imposed political influences in the Philippines. 64
The characteristics of state-building nationalism that were existent during this era were the development of the Filipinos‘ realization of their own identity, their united fight against their common enemy who tried to exert their influences on Filipinos and the homogeneity of the Filipino society despite its cultural diversity.
The Japanese Era: The Continuing Anti-Colonial Approach The theme during the Japanese era was ―anti-colonial‖. When the Japanese invaded the Philippines on the Second World War, nationalism as anti-colonialism was raised to new heights of necessity by the brutal Japanese occupation. Ironically enough, this hatred for one colonizer only increased the longing for the return of the other colonizer and our blind faith in his promises (Constantino, 1984). Constantino themed the Filipino nationalism during the Japanese era as anticolonial because of the fact that the situation during the Spanish Era was carried on to the Japanese era in which Filipinos suffered abuses and were deprived of their political independence. Nationalism aimed for independence and self-determination. Filipino nationalism in this era pushed the people to fight against the Japanese colonizers for it to regain its sovereignty and remove Japanese influence in the country. The nationalist revolutionary movements in this era were led by the Red Fighters: the Hukbalahap and the members of the Communist Party, which successfully thwarted the Japanese forces and regained our political sovereignty. The characteristics of state-building that were present during the Japanese-era were the aim towards common identity and the fight for the eradication of external influences. There were evident characteristics of state-building nationalism that were obvious during the Japanese era. The first one was the unity among Filipinos to battle against the 65
aggressions of the Japanese colonizers to resist the Japanese impositions of their political influences. As a result, a culturally diverse nation became homogeneously united in achieving a common goal.
Marcos-Era: The Polarized Concept of Nationalism Filipino nationalism during the Marcos era was ―polarized‖. President Ferdinand Marcos in his An Ideology for Filipinos expounded on the needs to reform the moral consciousness of the people. He recognized that Filipinos were disoriented and confused and were not united on what is the right future that they must pursue. He declared Martial Law on September 21, 1972 in line with his vision to create a new society – a society with unity and citizens that are supposed to be cooperative to the government. In this light, Marcos‘s true intent was not to prolong his stay in power, but to change and discipline Philippine society. Ultimately, despite his blatant desire for power, Marcos did wish to instill a discipline that he believed the Philippine society lacked (Unjieng, 2009). Thus, after declaring Martial Law in 1972 and in order to quell the Communist threat that was effectively to be eliminated by 1976, Marcos then justified Martial Law as the only means to create the revolutionary, socially just, and economically equitable ―New Society‖ he claimed to seek (Wurfel, 1977). During the Marcos Era, the character of Filipino nationalism was not anymore anti-colonial because there was no more foreign exploitation. It was nationalism that was geared towards the formation of a just nation that upholds human rights, freedoms and a nation that champions democracy. This goal was achieved through peaceful revolution by the people that removed the Marcos regime and restored democracy in our country. Our
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Key Informant from NCCA named Mr. Salazar conformed to this idea. He said that the Martial Law had a great impact on our idea of nationalism. As what Dr. Mojares said, the Marcos era was also the era of the rise of the left which promotes extreme nationalism. He said, because of the success in the Vietnam War by the communists, communism in the Philippines became influential that even speaking Tagalog in official functions could mean that a person is not a nationalist and is a procolonialism. Based on the ideas by the authors and key informants, Filipino nationalism during the Marcos era was ―polarized‖ which means it is either you are a nationalist or not. There was no third option because an individual can only choose between the two and if one is not a nationalist, Dr. Mojares said, you can be labelled by the extreme nationalists or communists as Marcos loyalist or pro-Americanism or pro-dictator that condones abuses and corruption in the government. The characteristics of state-building nationalism that were present during the Marcos-era were the presence of a homogeneous society, multicultural population, and the Filipinos‘ aim towards achieving their own identity amidst the rising external influences. In fact, the former president recognized such call in forming a real Filipino identity based on his books and public pronouncements which were described as gearing towards achieving a ―New Society‖.
Post-Marcos Era and the 1986 People Power Revolution: The New Approach The theme of Filipino nationalism during the post-Marcos era was aimed ―towards freedom and democracy.‖ The 1986 Philippine People Power Movement was contributory to the expanded moral consciousness of the Filipinos and viewed moral 67
education as essential to social and political transformation (Bonoan, 1994). As described by Bankoff and Weekley (2002), the attitude that Filipino national identity is characterized by commitment to freedom and democracy. This commitment usually includes important corollary notions such as an ongoing struggle against tyranny and injustice. The Filipino nationalism during this era could be described as the new approach towards freedom and restoration of democracy. During the post-Marcos era, the realization of state-building nationalism became evident. The presence of the characteristic of state-building nationalism present during the post-Marcos era was the acknowledgment of a multicultural population in a homogeneous society that unites when being faced by a common enemy. The fight against external influences still continued. Filipinos were united in re-claiming their freedom from the dark ages of authocratic rule and the restoration of democracy in their political life.
Type of Nationalism vis-à-vis Hechter’s Classification As mentioned in one of the specific objectives, this study would classify what kind or type of nationalism that the Filipinos possess based on the typologies made by Michael Hechter (2000). Michael Hechter was one of the few scholars who provided a clear and satisfactory explanation on the study of nationalism. In his book Containing Nationalism, he discussed nationalism and provided classifications that would enable us to fully understand the discourse on nationalism. Hechter provided four types of nationalism namely: State-Building nationalism, Peripheral nationalism, Unification nationalism and Irredentist nationalism.
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First, the student-researchers would provide a brief description of each classification based on the stipulations provided by Michael Hechter. These will form part in the considerations for the determination of what type of nationalism that best describes Filipino nationalism. The first type of nationalism is State-building nationalism. According to Hechter, there was a presence of a multicultural population in this particular type of nationalism. It is intended to unite multiple cultures in order to create a homogeneous society with similar aims and motivations for the future despite its cultural and traditional differences. Cultural diversity was not a hindrance towards unity and this type of nationalism promotes the cultivation and development of every native culture. The second type of nationalism is Peripheral nationalism. This particular type of nationalism was based on a national determination that aimed to separate a portion of a national territory from its host state in order to become an independent state. The presumptions include the presence of societal disunity or cultural conflict and political unrest that drive and promote peripheral nationalism to people in a particular society. The third type of nationalism was Irredentist nationalism. Unlike the peripheral nationalism, irredentist nationalism aimed to separate a portion of a national territory but not to become independent. It is to be added to another territory of a nation-state. One of the factors of such nationalism was its cultural considerations. The probability of having a minority culture in a national territory would cause to become neglected and left out from basic services coming from the central government. The temptation of merging to a different state was high especially when the desired new host state is culturally homogeneous with the separating territory. The last type of nationalism according to Hechter is Unification nationalism. It aimed to unify culturally homogenous territories into a single state. When two separate 69
cultural minorities with the same cultures and traditions decided to unite with each, it would be easy for the people to create a homogeneous society. The urge to obtain a state that has no cultural differences and a government that would cater all the needs of the people and adequately supply the basic services were very tempting to develop unification nationalism. The student-researchers provided their findings based on consolidated dominant answers and pronouncements of authors based on the conducted key informant interviews and documents review. According to Dr. Resil Mojares, the Philippines has a diverse culture all over the archipelago. This, however, must not be considered as a problem but rather as a jewel that must be polished and valued. Despite our small territory compared to other nationstates around the world, the Philippines is rich in culture that no other nation-states can compete. And because of such multicultural aspect of Philippine society, it posed as a hindrance against colonialism in the previous eras. According to Mastura (1984), prior to the arrival of the Spanish colonizers to the Philippines, Muslim Filipinos were successful in forming what we could call ―states‖ which displayed unity against foreign incursions. Despite of being regionalistic in nature, early Filipinos could be united if there was a presence of a common enemy that threatens their culture, traditions and way of life. As an effect of colonial opposition, packets of revolts all over the country erupted in response to the oppressions perpetuated by the previous colonizers. Prof. Imbong, a historian from UP Cebu, elaborated that during the Spanish era, revolts where not only concentrated in Luzon. Revolutions also erupted in Bohol, Cebu and major parts in Mindanao. 70
Filipino revolutions against colonizations were based on achieving genuine identity. This claim was pronounced by several authors. The foreign colonization of the Philippines had molded the Filipino sense of nationalism by making Filipinos realize what kind of independence they really need. Policies which were against the American influences were realized (Constantino, 1984). However, during the post-Marcos era, nationalism shifted or elevated itself towards new political aspirations and those are freedom and restoration of democracy. The 1986 Philippine People Power Movement was contributory to the expanded moral consciousness of the Filipinos and viewed moral education as essential to social and political transformation (Bonoan, 1994). Filipino national identity was characterized by commitment to freedom and democracy. This commitment usually includes important corollary notions such as an ongoing struggle against tyranny and injustice (Bankoff and Weekley, 2002). Based on our findings, the emerging identity of Filipino nationalism could be considered as a State-building nationalism because our concept of nationalism gives us a single, common and unified identity in which we can identify ourselves as ―Filipinos‖ having the same history and experience. The student-researchers provided a matrix containing brief description of State-building nationalism and what were the characteristics of Filipino nationalism that made it identified as a state-building nationalism.
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Characteristics of Statebuilding Nationalism
Findings Based on Documents Review
Findings Based on Key Informant Interviews Dr. Resil Mojares: “Pagka 1930s when the national language was adopted and Tagalog was the national language. Again, there was a recognition nga naay daghang language. It does not mean nga bisan multilingual ang society it cannot act as one.”
Homogenous society
Philippines has diverse Prof. Imbong: local cultures “Makita man nato sa kasaysayan ug sa kasamatangang kahimtang naa man gihapon nasyonalismo bisan nagkalahilahi atong lingwahe and because we are coming from diverse cultures, exploitation is also coming from diverse forms”
Dr. Resil Mojares:
Multicultural population
Multiculturalism pose as a hindrance against colonialism
“Mao bitaw to nga there was a controversy during the time of Governor Lito Osmena nga they tried to adopt nga ang national anthem must be sung in Cebuano. Suko kaayo ang taga Manila. On the other hand, ang taga Manila sad kay oversensitive kay overparochial daw ang mga Cebuano which was not very helpful sad.”
Professor Imbong:
There is unity when being faced by a common adversity
Can be united if there is an existing common problem that affects communities
―So, nakita nga tungod sa nationalism naay panaghiusa sa katawhan kKay ma-foresee niya ang threats sa unity nila or ma pinpoint nila kinsa ang enemy nga maoy endangering the unity or the nationalism that they had established.” “Gani, si Renato Constantino ni mention man siya nga ang national revolutions sa atong nasud mao ang instance sa kasaysayan diin strongly united ang katawhan.”
Professor Imbong: There is an aim towards common identity
Revolutions were based on achieving genuine identity
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―ang nationalism usa ni siya ka consciousness diin nay consciousness of the people nga they are one in identity. Pinaagi sa nationalism matino or ma define ang identity sa usa ka grupo sa taw. Tungod kay consciousness ni siya, naa ni siya’y mga gibasehan nga mga material conditions. Mao to siya ang point nga
consciousness siya isip usa ka nasud nga ato kinahanglan nga paga depensaan.”
Professor Imbong:
Eradication of external influences
Packets of revolts can be initiated based on the cultures‘ responses towards foreign influences
―Nasyonalismo tungod sa mga konkretong panagbangi nga mga struggles nga ni exist niadtong colonial period diin nakamugna ni siya ug usa ka consciousness or ideology sa mga taw nga kinahanglan nila palagputon nga kinahanglan nila pahawaon ang mga Espanyol kini pinaagi lamang sa usa ka nationalist revolution.”
Current Condition of State-Building Filipino Nationalism As Hechter defined it, State-building nationalism was a type of nationalism that was embodied in the attempt to assimilate or incorporate culturally distinctive territories in a given state. It made a multicultural population that is culturally homogeneous. This type of nationalism tried to unite cultural distinctive territories into a one and cultural homogeneous state. Because of our geographical setting which was archipelagic, we belong to different diverse culture having different language and traditions. Despite of our multicultural population and belongingness to different ethnolinguistic communities such as: Tagalog, Bisaya, Ilonggo etc., we were given a single, homogeneous identity as ―Filipinos‖ that united us amidst our differences and gave us attachment to the Filipino nation and belongingness to other Filipinos all over the country. It was this State-building nationalism that gave us a responsibility to protect and defend the country and contribute to its well-being. As Dr. Resil Mojares said, ―It is nationalism that drives Filipinos
to react against the Chinese incursion in our islands in South China Sea…”
It is this State-Building nationalism that united the Filipinos despite the preexisting cultural diversity in order to achieve a common goal. The discourse on Filipino nationalism was so broad that it had different ways of expression and different types that 73
could be traced in our history until today. Dr. Mojares said that nationalism could be passive, active or moderate. He also argued that there were existing leftist, rightist and centrist preferences for nationalism. These variations of nationalism were inclined to the political points of view of the individuals who were aligned to such kinds of nationalism. According to Prof. Imbong‘s explanation, leftist sense of nationalism could be traced back to the national-democratic revolution led by Andres Bonifacio which was a more revolutionary type of nationalism that seeks liberate the Filipino people from foreign and feudal exploitation. The rightist kind of nationalism was a more conservative and moderate kind of nationalism according to Professor Imbong which was labelled as liberal nationalists. These individuals were the ones who were guided by the liberal ideology. Liberal nationalism recognized that the Philippines had a genuine independence, and that the politics, economics, culture were very much its own therefore we were independent. Cultural minorities were still in existence in the Philippines. Laws were enacted by the government in order to preserve and promote respect for these minorities such as The Indigenous PeoplesRights Act of 1997 and the Bangsamoro Basic Law which was still pending before the House of Representatives in support for autonomy of Muslims in Mindanao. Despite of the presence of cultural differences, Filipinos were still in unison in their opposition towards foreign excursions just like the South China Sea dispute (Suarez, 2014). With the minimal presence of the New People‘s Army struggling for ―real independence‖ and battling oppression and exploitation, the student-researchers believed that there is still a continuing struggle against imperialism. There is still a minority call of
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achieving our uninfluenced national identity as Filipinos and obtain the rightful path for our own future. Another example that would display the current condition of Filipino nationalism is to examine on how it reacted to internal problems. On August 26, 2013, a nationwide march against the Priority Development Assistance Fund Scam was realized. Rallies were simultaneously gathered all over the Philippines. It was dubbed as ―The Million People March‖ calling for reforms in the Philippine budgetary system that was exposed as being manipulated by corrupt politicians to embezzle billions of pesos from the government‘s coffers. Thousands of people were gathered all over the parts of the Philippines calling for the prosecution of the alleged corrupt officials and resignation of the current president (Mangosing, 2013). This particular protest could be a manifestation of the presence of a state-building nationalism in the consciousness of the Filipinos based on the descriptions stipulated by Michael Hechter. The rally was participated by all Filipinos all over the country. In fact, it was witnessed by the student-researchers on the television reports that indigents coming from the Northern parts of Luzon went to Luneta Park on that day to participate and show solidarity to the call of the people. It was evident that during that political activity, people were united despite their cultural differences. People gathered togetheron that day in order to solidify their call for reforms. The people‘s common enemy was corruption in the government that depletes the finances of the government which were supposed to be intended for the development of the Philippine infrastructures and delivery of basic services.
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Communitarianism and Nationalism Greenfield (1992) explained that communitarians believe that the sense of community exists in the form of social practices, cultural practices and social understandings. Communitarianism can help develop a sense of common national identity. Communitarians argue that states try to develop solidarity by appealing to ideals of ‗nationhood‘. Each tries to convince its citizens that they form a ‗nation‘ and hence belong together to a single political community and owe each other special obligations. Since the people who share a state are not only co-citizens but also co-nationals, there is a natural bond of solidarity and a natural desire to exercise self-government. The rise of nationalism valorized ‗the people‘ and that nations are defined in terms of ‗the people‘ – i.e. mass population on a territory, regardless of class or occupation--- who become the bearer of sovereignty, the central object of loyalty and the basis of collective solidarity (Greenfield 1992:14). Nationalism has created the idea of single national community which encompasses all classes on the territory (Kymlicka, 2002). As Benedict Anderson stated in his book Imagined Communities, nationalism and nation is an imagined political community-- which is imagined as inherently limited and sovereign. It is imagined because the members of even the smallest nation will never know most of their fellow-members, met them, or even heared of them, yet in the minds of each other lives the image of their communion. The nation is imagined as limited because even the largest of them, encompassing perhaps a billion living human beings, has finite, if elastic boundaries, beyond which lie other nations. No nation imagines itself as coterminous with mankind. It is imagined as sovereign because the concept was born in an age in which Enlightenment and Revolution were destroying the legitimacy of the divinely-ordained, hierarchical dynastic realm. Coming to maturity at a stage of human 76
history when even the most devout adherents of any universal religion were inescapably confronted with living pluralism of such religions and the allomorphism between each faith‘s ontological claims and territorial stretch, nations dream of being free. The gauge and emblem of this freedom is this sovereign state. Finally it is imagined as a community, because regardless of the actual inequality and exploitation that may prevail in each, the nation is always conceived as a deep, horizontal comradeship. Ultimately it is this fraternity that makes it possible, over the past two centuries, for so many millions of people, not so much to kill, as willingly die for such limited imaginings (Anderson, 2006). Communitarianism can be complementary to nationalism in the sense that it produces an image of people belonging to ―one community‖ living in communion and comradeship despite of the fact that they will never see or hear their fellow members of the Imagined Community or nation. They imagine themselves constituting a ―nation‖ and a single national community that is bound by comradeship, solidarity and natural desire for independence. Communitarianism makes it possible to achieve unity amidst our diversity because we subscribe to a higher abstraction that we have a single national identity and form a single political community beyond our local communities.
Challenges of Nationalism Filipino nationalism had faced many challenges on its formation. It was a given fact that there were existing geographic and language barriers. The Philippines was composed of more than 7,000 islands and its people were speaking several dialects. Based on the established facts previously stated, Filipino nationalism during Spanish, American, Japanese and Marcos era was suppressed because of the reactionary policies 77
that these governments employed in order to weaken the national consciousness among the people and prevent them to wage a resistance that would eventually liberate the people from exploitation and oppression. These eras made it hard for nationalism and nationalist movements to thrive but these events had been influential to the formation of Filipino nationalism. There is a growing consensus among the scholars that Globalization threatens nationalism but does not hinder or hamper its formation. According to Ms. Giangan of Konrad Adenauer Stiftung, “Globalization can be a challenge to nationalism because the instant effect of globalization is the merging of identities which makes it difficult to define what Filipino nationalism is.” According to Dr. Resil Mojares, globalization is driven by economic circumstances and as an effect, globalization unintentionally merges cultures.. Unintentional because the notion of globalization is mainly economic integration that would ease territorial boundaries and make the economies of all participating states prosper. The flow of capital and labor were eased and that people could easily work to other countries. It becomes a threat to Filipino nationalism because foreign culture would become readily accessible to Filipinos for appreciation. According to Mr. Salazar of the National Commission for Culture and the Arts, the existence of cultural disparities among Filipinos could be manipulated by any foreign cultures brought by globalization and it may pose as a great threat by weaking our nationalism. According to Prof. Imbong, the most visible effect of the challenges posed by globalization was the restructuring of Philippine educational system. It was restructured in order to address the rising need of labor by the other countries. Because of such economic challenges, the government was forced to redesign the educational system that would immediately cater such needs for 78
labor by giving less emphasis on the instructions of Filipino subjects that were supposed to cultivate nationalism and motivate young individuals to improve their nationalism. As a result, Filipino identity might slowly fade and be influenced by foreign cultures and there is a possibility that we might fully forget our own culture. On the other hand, scholars agree that Globalization and ASEAN integration can also help build a stronger sense of nationalism among the Filipino people but it depends on their personal actuations.
Breakthroughs of Nationalism Based on the articles reviewed and the commentaries of the key informants, the major breakthroughs of nationalism that are evident in Philippine history are the elimination of the different colonial regimes which imposed their rule and exploited the people. First, the removal of the Spanish regime was the product of a long series of armed uprising of the people in various localities through more than 300 years of Spanish colonial rule. There were sporadic and packets of revolutions that happened all over the archipelago. The Spanish colonialists could continue their colonial rule for as long as there was no national consciousness and no nationwide revolutionary mass movement to wage anti-colonial resistance. This was a strong manifestation of nationalism among the people who wanted to liberate themselves from foreign exploitation and form an independent nation. The toppling of the American and Japanese regimes were also major breakthroughs of nationalism which was a result of the armed resistance established by the people led by the Communist Party of the Philippine and the Hukbalahap. As Amado Guerrero said,
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“It was the total effort of the Communist Party of the Philippines, the Hukabalahap and other patriotic guerilla forces all over the country which broke the back of the Japanese invasionary and puppet forces. They were the ones who forced out the Japanese from garrisons in cities and towns and annihilate them in the flames of guerilla warfare in the countryside. It was not US imperliasm which liberated the Philippines. US imperialism merely returned to reimpose its colonial rule.” Another breakthrough of Filipino nationalism was the eviction of a dictator from power. Ferdinand Marcos who ruled the Philippines for 21 years with an iron fist was toppled down through a bloodless revolution which was renowned internationally as the People Power Revolution. In that particular era, people were hungry for their freedom and full of all the corruptions and abuses by those people in power aligned with Marcos. In 1986, the people rose up and went to the streets fueled by anger against the dictatorship for the massive corruptions perpetrated by his government. As Juan Ponce Enrile narrated in an interview with Nicole Unjieng on August 6, 2008, “…But, there are many imponderables in the life of men; he got sick and he wasn’t able to accomplish his purpose. In the meantime, absolute power corrupts absolutely, [his] relatives started to enjoy power and they thought that it would be infinite and endless and so corruption set in and that eroded the popularity of Marcos, eroded the popularity of his regime, and it ended up in the EDSA Revolution of 1986.”
Today, nationalism is manifested in many ways. Singing the national anthem can also be considered as an expression of nationalism. The Philippine continuous fight in its claim towards the controversial West Philippine Sea or the Spartlys islands can also be considered a form of nationalism because we are not allowing our foreign neighbor to disrespect our sovereignty and claim territories that are part of our domain.
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SUMMARY OF FINDINGS PER ERA Era
Pre-Spanish
General Context
Prevailing Mode of Thought
People were Regionalis regionalistic m were characteristica lly divided into different ethnolinguisti c communities. Absence of political unity. No nationalism was formed.
Contributing scholar
Mastura
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Type of nationalism manifested
StateBuilding nationalism
Theorizing point
People at this point of history was still not able to develop national consciousness because of lack of communicatio n and their confinements to barangay and communities.
Era
Spanish
General Context
People were exploited many revolts broke out which was sporadic all over the archipelago against the tribute, corvee labor, commercial monopolies, excessive land rent, land grabbing, imposition of Catholic faith, arbitrary rules and other cruel practices of the colonial rulers.
Prevailing Mode of Thought
Contributing scholar
AntiColonial AntiImperialist NationalDemocratic
Amado Gurerro, Reynaldo Ileto
82
Type of nationalism manifested
StateBuilding nationalism
Theorizing point
National consciousness began when the people felt the need to revolt against the foreign and colonial oppressors. People realized that they should wage a revolution against the Spanish colonialists in order to liberate themselves and form a first Filipino nation.
Era
American
General Context
Prevailing Mode of Thought
The exploitation intensified Imperialism heightened and made the people suffered more.
AntiColonial AntiImperialist NationalDemocratic
Contributing scholar
Amado Gurerro, Teodoro Agoncillo
83
Type of nationalism manifested
StateBuilding nationalism
Theorizing point
Nationalism was weakened because of the aggression and the antinational policies made by Imperialist USA. Filipino nationalism was suppressed but it was not completely gone.
Era
Marcos
General Context
A movement towards a new society was established by Marcos because of his belief that Filipinos have no clear concept of Filipino nationalism
Prevailing Mode of Thought AntiImperialist Formation of a New Society
Contributing scholar
Ferdinand Marcos
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Type of nationalism manifested
Theorizing point
State-Building nationalism towards a new society
Because of the influences of colonization, Filipinos have no clear concept of their own identity on what they really are as a nation
Era
Post-Marcos
General Context
Prevailing Mode of Thought
Contributing scholar
A new concept of nationalism was formed which is to combat future tyrannical government
Anti-Colonial AntiAmerican Prodemocracy, freedom Anti-Tyranny
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Type of nationalism manifested
StateBuilding nationalism
Theorizing point
After the sufferings of the martial rule, Filipinos were very aware on their rights and nationalism was flourished to combat antityranny in the governemnt
CHAPTER 5 SUMMARY, CONCLUSION AND RECOMMENDATIONS
This chapter provides a summary of all the discussions and the relevant findings of the study. This chapter also presents the conclusion and recommendations.
Summary of Findings The findings of the study are summarized as follows: The Filipino concept of nationalism has been influenced largely by colonialism because of our long colonial experience of the past. National consciousness began as a response to the foreign exploitation and oppression by the colonizers which called the need for the Filipinos to organize armed resistance and revolutions in order to liberate the Filipino people and establish a Filipino nation. The prevailing Filipino concept of nationalism is a State-building type of nationalism because the Filipino concept of nationalism gave Filipinos a single, common and unified identity in which they can identify themselves as ―Filipinos‖ having the same history and experience. Because the Philippines has a geographical setting which is archipelagic, Filipinos belong to different cultures having different language and traditions. Despite of the Filipinos‘ multicultural population with different ethnolinguistic communities such as: Tagalog, Bisaya, Ilonggo etc., a single, homogeneous identity as ―Filipinos‖ unites them amidst their differences and gives them attachment to the Filipino nation and belongingness to other Filipinos all over the country. It is this State-building nationalism that gives them a responsibility to protect and defend the country and contribute to its well-being. 86
Meanwhile, communitarianism can be complementary to nationalism in the sense that it produces an image of people belonging to ―one community‖ living in communion and comradeship despite of the fact that they will never see or hear their fellow members of the imagined community or nation. They imagine themselves constituting a ―nation‖ and a single national community that is bound by comradeship, solidarity and natural desire for independence. Communitarianism makes it possible to achieve unity amidst the Filipino cultural diversity because they subscribe to a higher abstraction that they have a single national identity and form a single political community beyond their local communities. Filipino nationalism has faced many challenges on its formation. First is the geographic and language barrier. Globalization is also said to be a challenge to nationalism. The major breakthroughs of nationalism are the successful overthrow of the colonizers that imposed its will upon the Filipino people which was a product of long armed resistance by the masses and was driven by national consciousness among the people to liberate themselves from foreign exploitation and oppression. Also, the overthrow of a president who tainted himself as a dictator who ruled with an iron fist with an administration that was speculated with heavy human rights abuses, nepotism and corruption in the government.
Conclusion Based on the findings stated above, the Filipino concept of nationalism was heavily influenced by its colonial experiences of the past. Filipino nationalism has faced and is facing many challenges that threaten its conception but does not hinder its 87
actualization. Filipino nationalism had brought significant historical contributions in the nation‘s history and will continue to bring major achievements if it will be strengthened. The Filipino concept of nationalism is a State-building type of nationalism because people aim to achieve a collective goal for their future despite their cultural and moral differences. It may be noted that politically and morally, Filipinos may have varying opinions and convictions but there are certain issues that unanimously unite the majority of Filipinos especially when it comes to sovereignty, freedom and democracy issues. Based on the stated examples in the study, the eras of colonization was heavily resisted by the Filipinos. Same as what happened during the Marcos-era of tyranny. The recent example would be the South China Sea row which violates the Philippine territorial sovereignty. By looking closer to the given examples, all three eventualities have their own similarities which are oppressive and colonial in nature. The colonial and Marcos eras are oppressive for its own obvious reasons while the South China Sea dispute is colonial in nature because it violates the Filipinos‘ right to live freely on their own territory and threat of colonization is very high and present.
Recommendation There are a lot of Filipino scholars who have significant contributions on the fields of Filipino Nationalism, Filipino Philosophy and Philippine History but have been forgotten and undermined. These works should be popularized today since scholars today are mostly western oriented. A deeper studies on the connections of communitarianism to the Filipino concept of nationalism must be promoted in order to understand deeper our roots as Filipinos and maximize on its uses towards the promotion of Filipino nationalism. 88
One of the most important recommendation by the student-researchers is the deeper study of Philippine history based on Filipino historians‘ accounts. According to author Teodoro Agoncillo, most of our written history is based on the accounts of the foreign colonizers who ruled and imposed their influences on early Filipinos. The student-researchers conform to such claim that historical scholars and also the government agencies such as the: National Comission for Culture and the Arts and the National Historical Commission of the Philippines that are mandated to preserve and maintain our cultural cultural heritage should revisit and review the historical texts that are made available to the schools and Filipino readers. This should be done taking into consideration the regional integration and the increasing globalization that threatens our national culture. The second recommendation of the student-researchers is to refine the Filipino subjects of the Philippine educational system. Not just a mere study of the Filipino language but a deeper indoctrination of Filipino nationalism to the students by studying accurate historical accounts that might help encourage the youth to love their own culture, heritage and country. It can also work as a counter to the heavy influences of foreign cultures towards Filipinos with the aid of foreign television shows, movies and music which are made easy with the rise of technology. The next recommendation is the implementation of a strict screening of Philippine history writers. The Philippine government must enact laws which would only allow authors that are really knowledgeable about Philippine history. As what the studentresearchers have observed, writing books has been a source of livelihood by some academians. Some would author a book about Logic, Basic English, Political Science and History at the same time. No matter how expert a person is, he could not be an expert in 89
all fields of social sciences. Writing books must not be out of financial gains but to the promotion of the field that an author is trying to enrich. There must be a law that would deliberately define the word ―expert‖ in order for an individual to write Philippine history in order to enrich the limited literatures about Filipino nationalism and Filipino Philosophy. The last recommendation of the student-researchers is that there should be further studies made about the identified type of Filipino nationalism which is State-building nationalism that is not only general but studies the deeper characteristics of StateBuilding nationalism in relation to Filipino nationalism.
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Dolan, R. E. (Ed.). (1991). Philippines: A Country Case Study. Washington:GPO for the Library of Congress. Gao, H. (2013). Land of Many Nationalisms. Dissent. 30-35. Gellner, E. (2006). Nations and Nationalism. USA: Blackwell Publishing. Guerrero, A. (2006). Philippine Society and Revolution. Philippines. Aklat ng Bayan, Inc. EUTS, (2010). Philippine Election 2010 Official Results: National and Congressional & Local. Retrieved March 2, 2014, from http://euts.wordpress.com/2010/05/11/philippine-election-2010-official-resultsnational-and-congressional-local Hechter, M. (2000). Containing Nationalism. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Hobbes, T. (1651). Leviathan. Renascense Editions. Retrieved March 1, 2014, from http:www.oregon.edu Horavitch, P. (2003). The Martyr and the Mayor: On the Politics of Identity in the Southern Philippines Cultural Citizenship in Island Southeast Asia: Nation and Belonging in the Hinterlands ed. by Renato Rosaldo. London:University of California Press. Ileto, R. (2008). Pasyon and Revolution. Ateneo De Manila University Press. Jaskulowski, K. (2014). Western (civic) versus Eastern (ethnic) Nationalism. The Origins and Critique of the Dichotomy. Polish Sociological Review. 289-303. Kasprzak, M. (2012). To reject or not to reject nationalism: debating Marx and Engels‘ struggles with nationalism, 1840s–1880s. Nationalities Papers Vol. 40, No. 4, July 2012, 585–606. Kohn, H. (1944). The Idea of Nationalist. New York: Macmillan. Kymlicka, Will (2002). Contemporary Political Philosophy: An Introduction. New York: Oxford University Press. Liu, H. (2003). Realpolitik of bush's revolution: The Philippines Revisited. Asia Times Online. Retrieved on July 11, 2014, from http://www.atimes.com/atimes/Southeast_Asia/EK19Ae03.html Mangosing, F. (2013). Hundreds of thousands join people’s march against pork barrel. Inquirer.net. Retrieved on October 21, 2014, from http://newsinfo.inquirer.net/475165/tens-of-thousands-join-peoples-march-againstpork-barrel. 92
Mastin, L. (2008). The Basics of Philosophy. Retrieved on April 1, 2014, from http://www.philosophybasics.com/branch_communitarianism.html Mastura, M. (1984). Muslim Filipino Experience: A Collection of Essays. Manila:Ministry of Muslim Affairs. Marcos, F. (1980). An Ideology for Filipinos. Michigan: University of Michigan. Marcos, F. (1978). Revolution from the Center: How the Philippines is Using Martial Law to Build a New Society. Hongkong:Raya Books. McLean, I. (1996). Oxford dictionary of politics. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Mercado, L. (1988). Applied Filipino Philosophy. Philippines: Divine Word University Publications. Mojares, R. (2008) Brains of the Nation. Ateneo De Manila University Press Morano, W. (2014). The Rise of Filipino Nationalism. Retrieved July 25, 2014, from http://wilsonmorano.weebly.com/uploads/2/5/2/4/2524195/ the_rise_of_filipino_nationalism.pdf. Plamenatz, J. (1973). Two Types of Nationalism. Canberra: Australian National University Press. Pillar, P. (2013). The Age of Nationalism. National Interest. 9-19. Roshwald, A. (2006). Endurance of Nationalism: Ancient Roots and Modern Dilemmas. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Stapleton, F.G. (2008). Making Sense of 19th Century Nationalism. History Review. 41-45. Suarez, K. (February 10, 2014 ) SWS: Most Filipinos back gov't on Spratlys. Rappler. Retrieved March 16, 2014, from http://www.rappler.com/nation/50168-survey-filipinos-awareness-china-dispute Sison, J. (2009). For Democracy and Socialism against Imperialism and Globalization. Aklat ng Bayan Unjieng, N. (2009). Ferdinand Marcos: Apotheosis of The Philippine Historical Political Tradition. Undergraduate Humanities Forum 2008:09 Change. University of Pennsylvania Vu, T. (2010). The Resurgence of Nationalism in Southeast Asia: Causes and Significance. Paper prepared for the Conference on ―Issues and Trends in Southeast 93
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APPENDICES
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APPENDIX A Transmittal Letters
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University of San Carlos School of Law and Governance Department of Political Science P. del Rosario St., Cebu City 6000
National Commission for the Culture and the Arts NCCA Building, 633 General Luna Street, Intramuros, Manila
Greetings of peace and solidarity! We are student-researchers from the Department of Political Science of the University of San Carlos. We are on the data gathering phase of our research entitled ―Understanding the Filipino Concept of Nationalism.‖ We humbly request your good office to refer us to any of your resource persons who is knowledgable to the subject matter and that if he/she could allot a few minutes of his/her time and be our respondent for our key informant interview on one of the following dates: September 5, September 6 or September 7 thru electronic communication or any means of communication efficient for her/him. We recognize that your office is knowledgeable about the subject matter and your resource person‘s inputs from the interview would be very helpful in our study. Rest assured that we the student researchers would comply with the ethical standards in doing research and use the information for academic purposes only. For questions and/or concerns, kindly call-text at 09336828232/09153884215 or e-mail us at
[email protected] We are looking forward for your response.
Respectfully yours,
Jayford O. Powao AB PoSc PTS – 4
Chad Michaell G. Delima AB PoSc PTS-4
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Noted by:
Mr. Rejene T. Lakibul, MPMD Thesis Adviser
Ms. Brenette L. Abrenica, MPS, MAPA Research Instructor
Endorsed by:
Ms. Grace C. Magalzo, MPS, LlB Chair, Department of Political Science
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University of San Carlos School of Law and Governance Department of Political Science P. del Rosario St., Cebu City 6000
Cristita Maria Giangan Centrist Democratic Party of the Philippines Dear Mam: Greetings of peace and solidarity! We are student-researchers from the Department of Political Science of the University of San Carlos. We are on the data gathering phase of our research entitled ―Understanding the Filipino Concept of Nationalism.‖ We humbly request your good office to refer us to any of your resource persons who is knowledgable to the subject matter and that if he/she could allot a few minutes of his/her time and be our respondent for our key informant interview on one of the following dates: September 5, September 6 or September 7 thru electronic communication or any means of communication efficient for her/him. We recognize that your office is knowledgeable about the subject matter and your resource person‘s inputs from the interview would be very helpful in our study. Rest assured that we the student researchers would comply with the ethical standards in doing research and use the information for academic purposes only. For questions and/or concerns, kindly call-text at 09336828232/09153884215 or e-mail us at
[email protected] We are looking forward for your response.
Respectfully yours,
Jayford O. Powao AB PoSc PTS – 4
Chad Michaell G. Delima AB PoSc PTS-4
101
Noted by:
Mr. Rejene T. Lakibul, MPMD Thesis Adviser
Ms. Brenette L. Abrenica, MPS, MAPA Research Instructor
Endorsed by:
Ms. Grace C. Magalzo, MPS, LlB Chair, Department of Political Science
102
APPENDIX B Key Informant Interview Questionnaires
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Key Informant Interview Questions for Dr. Mojares “Understanding the Filipino Concept of Nationalism” 1. Based on your past experiences, learning and exposure, what is nationalism? 2. Do you think nationalism is an ideology? If Yes, Why? If No, Why? 3. If No, how can nationalism be an ideology? If Yes, how important is nationalism as an ideology? 4. Is there really an existing Filipino nationalism? If Yes, why do you say so? If No, is there a prospect for Filipino nationalism to have conceptualized or realized? 5. If Yes to question #4, how would you describe Filipino nationalism today? 6. What is your reaction to Leonardo Mercado‘s pronouncement on his book Applied Filipino Philosophy (1988, pp. 9) that ―the concept of what is a Filipino is tied up with the concept of nationalism which is more in the mind than in reality‖? 7. Are there any attempts by scholars to realize Filipino nationalism? 8. How do you differentiate nationalism from patriotism? Is the appreciation of Filipinos is leaning towards Nationalism or Patriotism? 9. Are there any strands, variations or classifications of nationalism? What are they? How do they differ from each other? 10. Are there such thing as Leftist, Centrist, Rightist kinds of Filipino nationalism? If there are. Where can they be traced in our history? 11. In Amado Guerrero‘s book on Philippine Society and Revolution, he argues that the Philippine society is semi-colonial and semi-feudal. Do you think that this hinders the development of Filipino nationalism or this a starting point for us to conceive nationalism? 12. What eventualities in our history that became sources or helped develop the Filipino concept of nationalism? 13. What are the possible challenges encountered by Filipino nationalism today? 14. What are the breakthroughs or achievements brought by nationalism to our nation? 15. Is there any limitation/s to the full realization of Filipino nationalism? 104
16. How can a sense of nationalism shared by the Filipinos affect our state as a nation today? 17. Is Filipino nationalism affected by language barrier, cultural diversity and our physical situation as an archipelago? If Yes, how can we overcome this? 18. How is nationalism affected by international phenomenon such as: globalization and the upcoming 2015 ASEAN integration? 19. Is the lack of nationalism among our politicians today a contributory factor behind the issues like: graft and corruption? 20. In what ways is nationalism should be manifested today? 21. How can we further develop or cultivate our sense of nationalism? 22. What is the importance of nationalism to our country? 23. How can you relate nationalism to communitarianism? In what way Filipino nationalism is complementing and contradicting with communitarianism? 24. What would be the future potentials of Filipino nationalism? 25. Any comments or recommendations for more materials to be studied or resource persons to be interviewed about Filipino nationalism.
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Key Informant Interview Questions for Prof. Imbong “Understanding the Filipino Concept of Nationalism” 1. Based on your past experiences, learning and exposure, what is nationalism? 2. Do you think nationalism is an ideology? If Yes, Why? If No, Why? 3. If No, how can nationalism be an ideology? If Yes, how important is nationalism as an ideology? 4. Is there really an existing Filipino nationalism? If Yes, why do you say so? If No, is there a prospect for Filipino nationalism to have conceptualized or realized? 5. If Yes to question #4, how would you describe Filipino nationalism today? 6. What is your reaction to Leonardo Mercado‘s pronouncement on his book Applied Filipino Philosophy (1988, pp. 9) that ―the concept of what is a Filipino is tied up with the concept of nationalism which is more in the mind than in reality‖? 7. Are there any attempts by scholars to realize Filipino nationalism? 8. How do you differentiate nationalism from patriotism? Is the appreciation of Filipinos is leaning towards Nationalism or Patriotism? 9. Are there any strands, variations or classifications of nationalism? What are they? How do they differ from each other? 10. Are there such thing as Leftist, Centrist, Rightist kinds of Filipino nationalism? If there are. Where can they be traced in our history? 11. In Amado Guerrero‘s book on Philippine Society and Revolution, he argues that the Philippine society is semi-colonial and semi-feudal. Do you think that this hinders the development of Filipino nationalism or this a starting point for us to conceive nationalism? 12. What eventualities in our history that became sources or helped develop the Filipino concept of nationalism? 13. What are the possible challenges encountered by Filipino nationalism today? 14. What are the breakthroughs or achievements brought by nationalism to our nation? 15. Is there any limitation/s to the full realization of Filipino nationalism? 16. How can a sense of nationalism shared by the Filipinos affect our state as a nation today? 17. Is Filipino nationalism affected by language barrier, cultural diversity and our physical situation as an archipelago? If Yes, how can we overcome this?
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18. How is nationalism affected by international phenomenon such as: globalization and the upcoming 2015 ASEAN integration? 19. Is the lack of nationalism among our politicians today a contributory factor behind the issues like: graft and corruption? 20. In what ways is nationalism should be manifested today? 21. How can we further develop or cultivate our sense of nationalism? 22. What is the importance of nationalism to our country? 23. How can you relate nationalism to communitarianism? In what way Filipino nationalism is complementing and contradicting with communitarianism? 24. What would be the future potentials of Filipino nationalism? 25. Any comments or recommendations for more materials to be studied or resource persons to be interviewed about Filipino nationalism.
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Key Informant Interview Questions for NCCA “Understanding the Filipino Concept of Nationalism” 1. Based on your past experiences, learnings and exposure, what is nationalism? 2. Do you think nationalism is an ideology? Why Yes? Why No? 3. If NO, how can nationalism be an ideology? If YES, how important is nationalism as an ideology? 4. Is there really an existing Filipino nationalism? Why or why not? 5. If NO, is there a prospect for Filipino nationalism to have/conceptualize or realize? If YES, what are the significant events of Philippine history that had contributed to the formation of the Filipino concept of nationalism? 6. Are there any attempts by scholars to realize Filipino nationalism? 7. How do you differentiate patriotism from nationalism? Is the appreciation of Filipinos is leaning towards Nationalism or Patriotism? 8. Are there any strands, variations or classifications of nationalism? What are they? How do they differ from each other? 9. What are the possible challenges encountered by Filipino nationalism today? 10. How can a strong sense of nationalism shared by the Filipinos affect our state as a nation today? 11. Is Filipino nationalism affected by language barrier, cultural diversity and our physical situation as an archipelago? 12. What are the sources of nationalism? 13. Can nationalistic feelings arise from the existence of a common language and customs, hatred against colonialism and a sense of consciousness and belongingness to the nation? 14. How is nationalism affected by international phenomenon such as: globalization and the upcoming ASEAN Integration? 15. How can a strong conception of nationalism among the Filipinos have an impact in our situation as a nation today? 16. Is the lack of nationalism among our politicians today a contributory factor behind the issues like: graft and corruption? 17. In what ways is nationalism manifested today? 18. How can we further develop or cultivate our sense of nationalism? 19. What are the significant moves undertaken by NCAA in order to promote and develop Nationalism among the Filipinos.
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Key Informant Interview Questions for CDP “Understanding the Filipino Concept of Nationalism” 1. Based on your past experiences, learning and exposures, what is nationalism? 2. Do you think nationalism is an ideology? If Yes, Why? If No, Why? 3. If No, how can nationalism be an ideology? If Yes, how important is nationalism as an ideology? 4. Is there really an existing Filipino nationalism? If Yes, why do you say so? If No, is there a prospect for Filipino nationalism to have conceptualized or realized? 5. If Yes to question #4, how would you describe Filipino nationalism today? 6. Do you think nationalism helped developed your personal political preference as a centrist? If Yes, how? If No, what other factors that developed your political preference as a centrist? 7. What are your party‘s pronouncements and beliefs about nationalism? What is the role of nationalism with regards to its early formation and its thrust for the future? 8. Are there such thing as Leftist, Centrist, Rightist kinds of Filipino nationalism? If there are, where can they be traced in our history? 9. What is the importance of nationalism to our country coming from a centrist‘s perspective? 10. What is your reaction to Leonardo Mercado‘s pronouncement on his book Applied Filipino Philosophy (1988, pp. 9) that ―the concept of what is a Filipino is tied up with the concept of nationalism which is more in the mind than in reality‖? 11. Are there any attempts by scholars to realize Filipino nationalism? 12. How do you differentiate nationalism from patriotism? Is the appreciation of Filipinos is leaning towards Nationalism or Patriotism? 13. In which concept is CDP more aligned with? Nationalism or patriotism? Why? 14. Are there any strands, variations or classifications of nationalism? What are they? How do they differ from each other? 15. In Amado Guerrero‘s book on Philippine Society and Revolution, he argues that the Philippine society is semi-colonial and semi-feudal. Do you think that this hinders the development of Filipino nationalism or this a starting point for us to conceive nationalism?
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16. What eventualities in our history that became sources or helped develop the Filipino concept of nationalism? 17. What are the possible challenges encountered by Filipino nationalism today? 18. What are the breakthroughs or achievements brought by nationalism to our nation? 19. Is there any limitation/s to the full realization of Filipino nationalism? 20. How can a sense of nationalism shared by the Filipinos affect our state as a nation today? 21. Is Filipino nationalism affected by language barrier, cultural diversity and our physical situation as an archipelago? If Yes, how can we overcome this? 22. How is nationalism affected by international phenomenon such as: globalization and the upcoming 2015 ASEAN integration? 23. Is the lack of nationalism among our politicians today a contributory factor behind the issues like: graft and corruption? 24. In what ways is nationalism should be manifested today? 25. How can we further develop or cultivate our sense of nationalism? 26. How can you relate nationalism to communitarianism? In what way Filipino nationalism is complementing and contradicting with communitarianism? 27. What would be the future potentials of Filipino nationalism? 28. Any comments or recommendations for more materials to be studied or resource persons to be interviewed about Filipino nationalism.
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APPENDIX C Answers from Online Key Informant Interviews
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Key Informant Interview Answers “Understanding the Filipino Concept of Nationalism” Answered by National Commission for Culture and the Arts 1. Based on your past experiences, learnings and exposure, what is nationalism? Nationalism pertains to an individual‘s attachment to a concept of a nation which gives him/her a parcel of identification and a sense of belongingness. 2. Do you think nationalism is an ideology? Why Yes? Why No? Nationalism is not an ideology, it is a value. Meanwhile, an ideology is a set of values under a single theme that defines courses of action. You can be liberal, conservative etc. without being nationalistic. 3. If NO, how can nationalism be an ideology? I don‘t think it needs to be an ideology. If YES, how important is nationalism as an ideology? 4. Is there really an existing Filipino nationalism? Why or why not? Filipino nationalism is construed by Filipinos who identify themselves with the concept of a Filipino nation. 5. If NO, is there a prospect for Filipino nationalism to have/conceptualize or realize? If YES, what are the significant events of Philippine history that had contributed to the formation of the Filipino concept of nationalism? Our common experience under colonial rule and martial law helped us formulate our concept of a Filipino nation and how to advance and protect such concept. 6. Are there any attempts by scholars to realize Filipino nationalism? Yes, Jose Abueva and Dodong Nemenzo are known political scientists who have studied on this. 7. How do you differentiate patriotism from nationalism? Is the appreciation of Filipinos is leaning towards Nationalism or Patriotism? Patriotism pertains to acts resulting from the fervor belief or attachment to nationalism 8. Are there any strands, variations or classifications of nationalism? What are they? How do they differ from each other? No, nationalism is a concept expressed by various means. 9. What are the possible challenges encountered by Filipino nationalism today? Globalization, disparities in social conditions, etc. 10. How can a strong sense of nationalism shared by the Filipinos affect our state as a nation today? A stronger sense of nationalism may help in addressing social issues. 112
11. Is Filipino nationalism affected by language barrier, cultural diversity and our physical situation as an archipelago? Our differences in language, diversity in culture, and geographical variations are factors in shaping Filipino nationalism. It does not necessarily hinder us. 12. What are the sources of nationalism? Folk traditions, core Filipino values such as being highly relational, etc. 13. Can nationalistic feelings arise from the existence of a common language and customs, hatred against colonialism and a sense of consciousness and belongingness to the nation? It may but it cannot. There are nations where diversity in customs and languages bind them and marks their identity as a nation. 14. How is nationalism affected by international phenomenon such as: globalization and the upcoming ASEAN Integration? These are challenges but this does not necessarily mean that these denigrate nationalism. In turn, it might even elicit a stronger sense of nationalism depending on how our people would respond to these challenges. 15. How can a strong conception of nationalism among the Filipinos have an impact in our situation as a nation today? We can do better now if we have a stronger conception of nationalism 16. Is the lack of nationalism among our politicians today a contributory factor behind the issues like: graft and corruption? It could be. 17. In what ways is nationalism manifested today? Sports and pop culture are contemporary means of expressing nationalism 18. How can we further develop or cultivate our sense of nationalism? Returning to our roots 19. What are the significant moves undertaken by NCCA in order to promote and develop Nationalism among the Filipinos. By highlighting our heritage and traditions, we cultivate a sense of identity, a sense of belongingness to a group, a nation. Answered by: Charles Lawrence Salazar, MA in History Member, Technical Working Committee on Historical Research NCCA
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Key Informant Interview Answers “Understanding the Filipino Concept of Nationalism” Answered by Centrist Democratic Party of the Philippines 1. Based on your past experiences, learning and exposures, what is nationalism? Nationalism is a deep attachment to one‘s nation. 2. Do you think nationalism is an ideology? If Yes, Why? If No, Why? Yes. It drives people‘s consciousness to develop goals and act upon them. 3. If No, how can nationalism be an ideology? If Yes, how important is nationalism as an ideology? It can influence the way an individual sees his role in the development of his country. 4. Is there really an existing Filipino nationalism? If Yes, why do you say so? If No, is there a prospect for Filipino nationalism to have conceptualized or realized? No. Filipinos are not nationalists. We have a divided consciousness when it comes to seeing our country. We are more attached to our regions rather than to one country. Yes, there can be but everybody has to have a stake at its formation. 5. If Yes to question #4, how would you describe Filipino nationalism today? 6. Do you think nationalism helped developed your personal political preference as a centrist? If Yes, how? If No, what other factors that developed your political preference as a centrist? I cannot gauge how nationalism influenced my preference. All I know is that I have seen how patronage and personality politics have damaged the country and I wanted to do something about it without resorting to mindless criticism of government and mounting a bloody revolution. 7. What are your party‘s pronouncements and beliefs about nationalism? What is the role of nationalism with regards to its early formation and its thrust for the future? We do not have express statements that could easily be classified as nationalist. Our party was formed on the belief that we are responsible for one another. This responsibility is translated into the political field through our concepts of political party reform, subsidiarity and autonomy. 8. Are there such thing as Leftist, Centrist, Rightist kinds of Filipino nationalism? If there are, where can they be traced in our history? No. I am not familiar with attaching another ideology to nationalism. 9. What is the importance of nationalism to our country coming from a centrist‘s perspective? 114
I do not know. For me, nationalism is abstract and I do not see it yet being translated into a pragmatic political action. 10. What is your reaction to Leonardo Mercado‘s pronouncement on his book Applied Filipino Philosophy (1988, pp. 9) that ―the concept of what is a Filipino is tied up with the concept of nationalism which is more in the mind than in reality‖? I think this is true. This relates to me answer to question 9. 11. Are there any attempts by scholars to realize Filipino nationalism? If there are, I am not familiar. If there is one thing that I know about Filipino scholars is that they live inside their heads most of the time. They are thinkers, not really doers. 12. How do you differentiate nationalism from patriotism? Is the appreciation of Filipinos is leaning towards Nationalism or Patriotism? I cannot exactly differentiate one from the other, although from my opinion, nationalism is more of the formal ideology and patriotism more of a feeling rather than a set of conscious ideas. I think Filipinos are more patriotic rather than nationalistic. 13. In which concept is CDP more aligned with? Nationalism or patriotism? Why? I think we are more patriots rather than nationalists. 14. Are there any strands, variations or classifications of nationalism? What are they? How do they differ from each other? I am not familiar with these variations. 15. In Amado Guerrero‘s book on Philippine Society and Revolution, he argues that the Philippine society is semi-colonial and semi-feudal. Do you think that this hinders the development of Filipino nationalism or this a starting point for us to conceive nationalism? I see this as a starting point. 16. What eventualities in our history that became sources or helped develop the Filipino concept of nationalism? If there is a time in our history that catalyzed the development of an identity, it would be during the colonial period. 17. What are the possible challenges encountered by Filipino nationalism today? Globalization and merging of identities.
18. Is there any limitation/s to the full realization of Filipino nationalism? See answer to question number 17.
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19. Is Filipino nationalism affected by language barrier, cultural diversity and our physical situation as an archipelago? If Yes, how can we overcome this? Yes. Perhaps if we change the system from a highly centralized one to one that is more accommodating of our differences, then maybe there is less need to cling so strongly to them. 20. How is nationalism affected by international phenomenon such as: globalization and the upcoming 2015 ASEAN integration? These concepts make it harder to define what Filipino nationalism is. 21. Is the lack of nationalism among our politicians today a contributory factor behind the issues like: graft and corruption? No. I am an institutionalist. I believe that the wrong kinds of incentives are embedded in our political system. It encourages plunder and does not reward good behavior. Rational individuals respond to the right kind of incentives, hence, a change in the system is in order. 22. Michael Hechter in his book Containing Nationalism (2000) pronounced that there are 4 types of nationalism which are: a. State building - to make a multicultural population culturally homogeneous b. Peripheral – a national determination by separating the nation from its host state c. Irredentist - a movement that involves subtracting the territory from one state and adding it to another d. Unification - a unification of a culturally homogeneous territory into a single state What type of nationalism based on Hechter‘s typologies best describes Filipino nationalism? It does not. From the evasive definition of what Filipino nationalism is, Hechter‘s definition do not adequately describe it. 23. What would be the future potentials of Filipino nationalism? I cannot determine what it cannot become if nobody has not even adequately described what it is and what it once was. 24. Any comments or recommendations for more materials to be studied or resource persons to be interviewed about Filipino nationalism. Dr. Jose Abueva, perhaps? Answered by: Cristita Marie Giangan National Chairperson Centrist Democratic Youth Association of the Philippines
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APPENDIX D Monitoring Sheet
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University of San Carlos Department of Political Science Center for Governance, Leadership, and Development PoSc142CC Data Gathering and Analysis
MONITORING SHEET for DATA GATHERING (this must be filled appropriately and submitted as scheduled along with Progress the Report; a copy must also be attached as annex to the final technical report)
Name of Researcher
: Chad Michaell G Delima
Title of Thesis
: Understanding the Filipino Concept of Nationalism
Date and Time
Location
Task/s or Activity
Sept 5, 2014
UP Lahug Campus, Cebu City
Contacted Prof. Regletto Imbong
Sept 11, 2014
Emailed a CDP leader referred by Mr. Gilbert Emano of CDP
Sept 11, 2014
Contacted Dr. Mojares thru CSC-LRC officerin-charge
Sept 12, 2014
Contacted NCCA via email
Jayford O. Powao
Remarks
Name and Signature of Office-in-Charge
Sept 15, 2014
UP Lahug Campus, Cebu City
Interviewed Prof. Regletto Imbong
See Prior Informed Consent Form
Sept 20, 2014
Cebuano Studies Center, LRC USC-TC
Interviewed Dr. Mojares
See Prior Informed Consent Form
Sept 25, 2014
Received the answers of online KII from NCCA
Oct 2, 2014
Received answers of online KII from CDP
Noted By:
Student’s Name and Signature: Chad Michaell G. Delima
Instructor, POSC142CC
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Jayford O. Powao
APPENDIX E Informants’ Profile
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“Understanding the Filipino Concept of Nationalism” Key Informants Dr. Resil Mojares Cebuano Studies Center, Learning Resource Center University of San Carlos – Talamban Campus Professor Emeritus, USC Founding Director of Cebuano Studies Center Historian, Book Author, Lecturer
Prof. Regletto Imbong, MA in Philosophy University of the Philippines Lahug, Cebu City Faculty Member, History Department, Philosophy Department and Political Science Department Former student leader and organizer Specializes on History, Philosophy and Political Theory
Lawrence Charles Salazar, MA in History National Commission on Culture and the Arts Intramuros, Manila Member, Technical Working Committee on Historical Research Culture and Arts Officer, Secretariat to the National Committee on Southern Cultural Communities Specializes on Social Sciences, Asian Studies, History, Cultural Diplomacy
Cristita Marie Giangan, MPMD Author, Contributor Project Manager, Konrad Adenauer Stiftung Founding Member, Centrist Democratic Party of the Philippines National Chairperson, Centrist Democratic Youth Association of the Philippines Founding Secretary General, Centrist Democratic Youth Association of the Philippines Specializes on Political Parties, Development Management, Institutional Politics
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APPENDIX F Transcriptions of the Key Informant Interviews
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Transcript of the key informant interview with Dr. Resil Mojares September 20, 2014 Cebuano Studies Center, Learning Resource Center University of San Carlos – Talamban Campus Chad: Sir, good morning! We are polsci students of USC. I am Chad Michaell Delima and he is my partner Jayford Powao. We would like to have an interview with you about our thesis entitled, ―Understanding the Filipino Concept of Nationalism‖. Dr. Mojares: Sige pero ayaw lang dugaya kay naa pa pud koy tiwason kay mularga pa ko balik sa Manila. Chad: Mao lage sir lisud kaayo ka pangitaon. Dr. Mojares: Mao lage. Chad: So sir, our first question is based on your past experiences and exposure, what is nationalism? Dr. Mojares: Love of country. Common and general concept is usually the only way to respond to it is muhatag ka ug statement such as love of country. It could relate to a problem that is more specific that is if useful ba (nationalism). Kay unsa may nationalism di ba love of country. Chad: For you sir, is nationalism an ideology or is it just a plain belief lang? Dr. Mojares: Yes I supposed you can call it an ideology. Chad: So, if it is an ideology sir what do you think is its importance? Dr. Mojares: You just take current events like Russia and the issues in Ukraine. Unsa may driving force ana diba Communism or nationalism in fact in recent years nationalism has become an important driving force. Like sa South China Sea, taking the case of communist countries where their ideology is very prominent. The best examples are communist and socialist countries kay their ideology is a driving force. Even today nationalism appears to be a much important motivating force, di ba? In the case of China and Russia di ba it appears much more nationalism is involved than socialism. There was a time that nationalism was considered to be an achronistic. Ang the best book to read ana in relation to the question is the book by Benedict Anderson Imagine Communities. Some of the strongest arguments for nationalism kay naa man guy time especially Western countries nga murag almost old fashioned nanang nationalism tungod sa globalization, post-nationalism. Almost like nationalism is a thing of the past that has not proved to be still an important force. Chad: Sir, do you think Filipinos have existing sense of nationalism and how would you describe it? 122
Dr. Mojares: Yeah. Nationalism is an important factor in Philippine society. Of course it is not peculiar to the Philippines kay wala paman gud ang nationalism in terms of being reactive or gyera pananglitan kay strong kaayo ang nationalism but people do not feel that there is a threat to our national identity. Chad: Sir what is your reaction to Fr. Leonardo Mercado‘s book that ―being a Filipino is just like Filipino nationalism which is more in the mind than in reality‖? Do you confirm ani sir? Dr. Mojares: Yeah. Of course nationalism is a kind of idea it is simply not just an abstraction it is something that permeates Philippine reality. Nganong mag barong tagalog man ta or mu insist man ta of the use of local language. In many ways it can be routinized but it‘s everywhere. Ngano mukanta man kag Philippine national anthem? It is like you don‘t even think about it but it‘s like permeates local realities. It‘s just part of day to day reality. An idea about what‘s going on in the governement, paying one‘s taxes. If you are living outside the country you are somewhat detached to it but if you are living inside the country it‘s a matter of life and death. For example, magbaha sa inyo balay, or there‘s a rise of criminlaity. You can‘t get away from the idea of nation. I don‘t think you can get out of it. It‘s a part of day to day reality. It‘s not just like anything abstract. Can you be detached by the state of education, the state of family that affects you personally? Jayford: So sir, how do you differentiate nationalism from patriotism? Dr. Mojares: Kanang patriotism is much more closer to the idea of love of country. Ang nationalism in contrast to patriotism, as you suggested earlier mura siyag ideological unlike patriotism pure emotion. The two are closely related to each other. Chad: Sir, do you think there are classifications of nationalism? If there are what are they? Dr. Mojares: Of course we can always distinguish. Naay passive, naay active, naay moderate, naay extreme. Daghang distinctions nga mahimo like dili magsuot kag barong tagalog, does it make you nationalistic? It‘s a sign of nationalism which is external. Or nationalistic ka nga committed to the nation. Naay uban sad nga dili gyud musulti ug english. Those are kind of narrow nationalism. You make distinctions through forms of expressing it external or by substance. Chad: Sir, do you think there are such thing as centrist, rightist and leftist kinds of nationalism? Dr. Mojares: Yeah. For instance, in post 1970s katong the rise of the left, Vietnam War. Mao man to ang situation nga polarized kaayo ang nationalism. Imbitahon gani ka mu lecture nya musulti kag in-english murag mu apologize paka. Ideas like Bonifacio was more of a hero than Rizal, in-ana ba murag polarized kaayo. I think today in many ways we have gone beyond that position nga murag kind of either or or exclusivistic type of nationalism. Karon much more on plural man. So there are politics behind how people interpret nationalism. 123
Jayford: Sir, what eventualities in history that helped develop the Filipino concepts of nationalism? Dr. Mojares: Basic ana is the understanding of basic history. Chad: Sir what are the possible challenges encountered by Filipino nationalism today? Dr. Mojares: I think economic factors will be important. For instance, what I said earlier, the polarized situation in 1970s nga English versus Tagalog. The time when people will frown to people who migrate abroad. In many ways, these are driven by economic factors. There are resurgence of English for instance like mutrabaho ka sa call center ang proficiency sa English is at the premium. That could be a problem but on the other hand, I think we should not underestimate that becasue in-eninglish nya mutrabaho abroad it makes a person less nationalistic. Ang economic factors will have an effect. The way you deal with questions like that is one, you resist the idea nga naay answer to one question. If naa kay answer, you have to think unsay counter ana. Chad: Sir, do you think nationalism can be affected by our language barrier, cultural diversity and our physical geography as an archipelago? Dr. Mojares: It is an unavoidable situation that we have to work with. The question on national language is still an unsettled subject being debated until now. We have to deal with it as part of reality. Like Malolos Constitution, unsa may provision ato in terms of national language? Gi avoid mana niadto and the Malolos Constitution retained the use of Spanish language kay the reality was there was no one unifying language for the whole country so for practicality and expediency, of course gi retain nila ang Spanish as the official language. Pagka 1930s when the national language was adopted and Tagalog was the national language. Again, there was a recognition nga naay daghang language. It does not mean nga bisan multilingual ang society it cannot act as one. It can pose a certain challenge and difficulty. Mao bitaw to nga there was a controversy during the time of Governor Lito Osmena nga they tried to adopt nga ang national anthem must be sung in Cebuano. Suko kaayo ang taga Manila. Naa man toy convention sa provincial governors sa Cebu Plaza nya giimbitar ko nila nga musulti ko to explain in singing the national anthem in Cebuano. Ingon ko sige. Although in the case of Lito Osmena pamulitika man to kay he was about to run for president kay local autonomy is always the way local politicians build their local bailiwicks by playing on the themes of local pride. You cannot divorce that kind of politics. On the other hand, ang taga Manila sad kay oversensitive kay overparochial daw ang mga Cebuano which was not very helpful sad. Mao to nga ang katong pagsulti nako sa Cebu Plaza nga history sa Philippine national anthem dili man siya gi limit lang sa pagkanta lang in Tagalog. It is something that is not fixed. I said, there is nothing wrong in singing the Philippine national anthem in the languages from Ilo-ilo, Maranao, Cebu. It would be subversive if maghimo kag imong laing national anthem. Ingon ko di ba nindot paminawon people will sing a same song in different languages? There could be unity in diversity. Pareho ang kanta tanan pero lahi lang ang language nga gigamit. What would be unacceptable which is almost like cessation nga magbuhat kag imong national anthem. The Institute of National Language before was exclusivist in propagating Tagalog but karon much open sila. Karon they are 124
also propagating Cebuano and other Philippine languages. The basic fact about language is that if you have more languages you are culturally richer. Di man nimo dapat i homogenize nga everything would be speaking in the same language. It‘s part of what makes a society culturally rich. It‘s like you empoverish the national culture. The danger sad is the extreme positions. Like sa UP naay mga scholars nga extreme sad ilaha nga advocates sa pantayog pananaw ug musuwat sila ug article, as a rule dili jud na sila mu cite ug source nga in english words. Sayunon ka ana? Dili siya mu cite ug works by a Filipino nga mugamit ug English. So ang ilang bibliography, dili jud sila mu cite ug works nga written in English. Extreme and narrow sad na nga kind of nationalism. Kanang mga forms of being intolerant, exclusivistic and tribal nationalism taht is why the dark people feel nga nationalism is an unhealthy and destructive force kay makita man sa examples like the former Yugoslavia like the kind of intolerants like ISIS kanang either or ba. That is when nationalism becomes an evil force when it insisits black and white distinctions or either or. That what gives nationalism a bad name. People feel that nationalism is like fundamentalism. Sa Philippines, when you go back to the time of Rizal, ilang ideology was in order to build a national culture, you have to do 2 things: one is you have appropriate foreign influences murag you enrich your cultural capital by drawing from various parts of the world and at the same time you build from within local traditions. So if naa kay imbalance, it is kind of a problem. If foreign imo tanan dili nimo i build ang local resources then that becomes a problem. If isolation sad ka local-local lang ka di ka mu kuha ug foreign that becomes a problem also. Chad: Sir, how can nationalism be affected by globalization or the upcoming 2015 ASEAN integration? Dr. Mojares: Kana that is interesting prospect. I doubt the idea of post-nationalism. The idea in a sense that a nation is no longer important. I do not see that happening I cannot imagine that happening. Migration for instance, naa man say forces nga ang mga taw muadto sa laing countries. Ang nature sa atong migration is oversees contract workers almost like ang ties nila sa Philippines are still very strong. It only represents a small percentage nga ang mga dato mu migrate. Most Filipino migrants in many ways are almost like they are still living in the Philippines but they are just working outside. Kinahanglan nila mag remit ug kwarta, tan-aw ug The Filipino Channel, sige silag chat. So, they are working somewhere else but for other intents and purposes, they have never left the country. Filipino movie stars adto mag show didto, boxing adto i-held sa Dubai, hapit tanan audience mga Filipino. So, on one hand the new media technology which is supposed to be a factor for globalization but you have to look at the use of that media. There may be national barriers but it could be a tool in maintaining national attachments. To say that mu deminish ang national attachments becuase of that, I don‘t see that happening. Sa scholarship wa kaayo ma research is one: the diaspora of overseas migration as though nations are not that kind of important but tanawn nimo unsay type of migration as to what extent that it has erased national boundaries. I don‘t think it will happen. Or even the fact that naa kay internet, tanawn nimo giunsa paggamit ang internet on the part of the users. Naay times nga dili kaayo ka conscious nga Filipino ka, naay times nga conscious pud ka. Probably trabaho ka‘g abroad and you can stand on your own then your ties with your family would not be so strong kay dili naman ka padala ug kwarta kay maayo pagkabutang imong family dili man ka mag worry kung naa bay 125
pambayad sa eskuylahan, naa bay pambayad sa abang sa balay which you will not think about home that much because wala naman kay obligations or ties. I don‘t see nationalism diminishing in fact as I‘ve shared earlier nikusog nuon siya. Tanawn nimo the past during Cold War communism versus democracy apparently it‘s no longer things are as before. Nations are thinking as nations. Chad: Sir, how can you relate communitarianism with nationalism? How do they contradict and complement with each other? Dr. Mojares: I do not know how people define communitarianism but it is much more localized and parochial than nationalism. It is usually used in reference to a more local communities and inward looking than nationalism. Chad: Lastly sir, what would be your recommendations for more materials to be studied about Filipino nationalism? Like studies. Dr. Mojares: Ben Anderson‘s book is the best book to read. Because it is not all about nationalism as general, in fact the Philippines is also an important part of that book. He used the Philippines as an example although nationalism as a global phenomenon. That is the most useful book because it is specific about nationalism itself as an ideology. Chad: Sir thank you kaayo sa imong time and magpa sign nalang mi ug form for documentation namo sir. Jayford: Thank you kaayo sir ha? Dr. Mojares: Yes. Kana kang Ben Anderson nga book nindot na basahon ninyo. Chad: Thank you, sir. END Interviewers: Chad Michaell G. Delima AB POSC – PTS 4
Jayford O. Powao AB POSC – PTS 4
Respondent: Dr. Resil Mojares Cebuano Studies Center, LRC USC
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Transcript of the key informant interview with Prof. Regletto Imbong September 15, 2014 UP Lahug, Cebu City Jayford: Sir, allow us to introduce our names. Ako si Jayford Powao sir and ako partner si Chad Michaell Delima, we are 4th year students of the University of San Carlos taking up Political Science Major In Political Theory and Systems. Chad: So, shall we start na, sir? Prof. Imbong: Ato jud i-elaborate tanang questions? Chad: Yes, sir. So sa first question, sir based on your past experiences how will you define nationalism? Prof. Imbong: English ta or bisan unsa ra? Jayford : Ok ra bisaya sir itranscribe raman gihapon namo. Prof. Imbong: So, sa pag tan-aw nako sa set of questions ninyo, ang pinakalisud nga question kay kining unsa ang nationalism. Karon pako kapangutana sa ako kaugalingon kung unsa mn jd diay ning nationalism. So, base sa ako nahibaw-an ug nasinatian ug experiences, ang maingon nako is ang nationalism usa ni siya ka consciousness diin nay consciousness of the people nga they are one in identity. Pinaagi sa nationalism matino or ma define ang identity sa usa ka grupo sa taw. Tungod kay consciousness ni siya, naa ni siya‘y mga gibasehan nga mga material conditions. Mao to siya ang point nga consciousness siya isip usa ka nasud nga ato kinahanglan nga paga depensaan. Chad: Next sir. Do you think nationalism is an ideology? Prof. Imbong: Since nationalism is a consciousness, yes it is an ideology if gamiton nato ang Marxist historical materialism. Consciousness is influenced by matter not matter by consciousness. So why nationalism emerged because also of material differences in society. For example, struggle. Ato paundan unsa ni ang struggle based on historical perspective nagsugod ni cya against foreign domination against Spaniards. Naay nasyonalismo tungod sa mga konkretong panagbangi nga mga struggles nga ni exist niadtong colonial period diin nakamugna ni siya ug usa ka consciousness or ideology sa mga taw nga kinahanglan nila palagputon nga kinahanglan nila pahawaon ang mga Espanyol kini pinaagi lamang sa usa ka nationalist revolution. Chad: So next sir, how important is nationalism as an ideology? Prof. Imbong: Una, kinahanglan siya kay pinaagi sa nationalism madefine nato ang identity sa group of people dili siya ingon bitaw nga uncertain siya nga unsa siya. Ikaduha, aside from definition nga mu define siya, ang nationalism usab mu create siya ug strong unity. Gani si Renato Constantino ni mention man siya nga ang national 127
revolution sa mga nasud mao ang instance sa kasaysayan diin strongly united ang mga katawhan. Kung diin asa nay national liberation movement naa say nationalism ang mga katawhan. So, nakita nga tungod sa nationalism nay panaghiusa sa katawhan. Ikatulo, kay naa man siya‘y panaghiusa, naa siyay‘y Makita or ma foresee niya ang threats sa unity nila or ma pinpoint nila kinsa ang enemy nga maoy endangering the unity or the nationalism that they had established. So mao to ang tulo ka punto seguro. Muhatag siya ug definition, muhatag siya ug unity ug ikatulo mu set siya sa parameter kung kinsa ang threat or kinsa ang enemy at a particular point in time. Jayford: Next question sir. Naa man juy debate sir ba whether naa ba juy ni exist nga nationalism or not what is your take on this sir? Prof. Imbong: Sa akoa, muingon ko naa nga nay nag exist nga Filipino nationalism which is basically nag teach pud kog history, ma trace nato ang development of nationalism sa Philippines. Prior to 1898 revolution, ang konsepto sa nationalism medyo gikan sa wala or hilaw or lapsaw pa kayo or wala pa naluto. Si Rizal man ang unang nigamit sa term nga ―Filipinos‖ nga mu mean na siya sa mga natives gyud sa mga karaang ―indios‖ nga gitawag sa mga Espanyol. Pinaagi sa revolution, didto nagsugod ang nationalism nga ako gipasabot. Nagpadayun ug wala naputol although naay time nga ang revolution ni hinay or ni wane tungod sa bourgeoise opportunism, pero eventually gipadayun siya based pa ni Constantino nga anonymous masses nga maoy ni push forward sa history ug sa karon kini nga nationalism which I will call the nationalism nga gilunsad sa grupo sa National Democratic Movement kay nihisgut man mo diri sa libro ni Amado Guerrero nga PSR. Kini nga nationalism gi trace pud ni ni Amado Guerrero nga gikan sa rebolusyon ni Bonafacio hangtud sa nagpadayun nga rebolusyon karon. Kani nga nationalism ang akong gi mean. Although naa puy nationalism nga gi introduce ang mga liberals dili ang liberal party ha kundi katong mga guided by liberal ideology. Ilang nationalism is nasyonalismo nga nagrecognize siya nga naa tay identity pero wala magrecognize nga gi threaten ta sa usa ka foreign power. So, mao seguro ni ang duha ka klaseng nationalism nga ma pinpoint nato nga existing diri sa atong nasud. Nationalism nga gi define ni Amado Guerrero ug liberal nationalism nga - wala lang I am a Filipino pero unsa man? Unsa man ato angay buhaton as Filipino? Kana mao na siya ang dili pa nila matino nga tubag. Jayford: Next sir is what are the significant events in Philippine history that helped develop the Filipino concept of nationalism? Prof. Imbong: Kung magsugod ta sa precolonial period, wala gyud toy nationalism grabe ka regionalistic ang Filipinos nga ang only region nga naka attain ug unity was the Mindanao paman. Then na under ta sa Spanish colonial period nga nakamugna ug dili strong nga nationalism. Gani naa pa gani packets of revolts no sama nila ni Dagohoy ug mga panghitabo sa Bohol ug sa Cebu pero kini sila sporadic pa dili pa siya ingon nationally united. Until naay movements nga gilunsad. First, ang secularization movement nga gilunsad sa mga seculars. Gani ang mga ilado kayo nato ani sila si Gomez, Burgos ug Zamora and then gisundan sa reform movement nila ni del Pilar, Rizal. Kini sila mao ang binhi or seeds of nationalism diri sa Philippines diri gigamit ni Rizal ang term nga Filipinos para sa mga dating indios nga tawag sa ato sa mga 128
Espanyol. Ang Filipinos hinayhinay nga na aware sa ilang national identity. Ang mga seeds or binhi nahinug ni siya or na full ang iyang pagkahimugso panahon sa 1898 nga revolution sa mga Katipuneros. Gihinganlan man nato ug national democratic revolution unya old type lang because influenced by liberal bourgeois ideology and French Revolution ilaha pa gusto kay himuong kapitalista ang Pilipinas. Mao ni ang mga naunang historical events nga eventually nag push sa formation sa Filipino concept of nationalism. Mu-further pako? Chad: Cge sir. Prof. Imbong: Human sa 1898 revolution, formally nahuman to siya after the pact of Biak na Bato diin gibaligya ni Aguinaldo ang rebolusyon ngadto sa mga Espanyol diin na exile sila didto sa Hong Kong uban sa iyang mga generals. Bisan pa man mipadayun ang pipila ka mga rebolusyonaryo sa pagbatok sa mga Espanyol. Eventually naay pag intervene ang US, nibalik ang grupo ni Aginuinaldo and to make the long story short, nibalik diri ang US. Dunay mga pipila ka mga grupo nga ang resistance nila nibag-o ang nature imbis nga anti Spanish karon anti American na which resulted to the Filipino American war from 1899-1902, tungod sa aggression sa US napahinay ni niya nga resistance pero naa gihapoy nagpabilin nga nationalism. Unsay proof nato nga naay kusug nga sense of nationalism diri sa Pilipinas panahon sa Amerikano? Naay daghang mga balaod nga gi implement ang mga Americans para pagsugpo sa nationalism. For example, ang Flag Law nga dili ka angay mag wagayway sa bandera sa Pilipinas panahon sa Amerikano kay punishable by death na. Pwede kang patyon kay subersibo ka w aka mu recognize sa supreme authority sa America. Naa pay mga dili pagsuporta sa mga grupo nga naglunsad ug national liberation movements ug gi branded ni sila sa mga Amerikano as tulisan nga mga grupo para pagpahinay or pagdegrade rather aning mga grupoha apan bisan paman, ang mga masang Pilipino nisalmot aning mga grupoha. So, nagpadayun until mga 19201930s naay kusug nga labor movement ug niresulta ni siya sa pagka establish sa Partido Komunista ng Pilipinas niadtong Nov. 30, 1930 nga gi found ni Crisanto Evangelista. Kini nagpamatuod nga ang labor movement nisukod ug naa pud ni siya anti-imperialist nga orientation kay Marxist-Leninist mani siya nga grupo. Mas nakita nato nga niining yugto sa kasaysayan mas naundan ang konsepto nato sa nationalism pinaagi sa pag supplement sa mga ideya nila ni Marx ug Lenin. Diri gihinayhinay na ug interpret ang atong katilingban nga gi exploit by the foreign powers to be specific by US imperialism. Mao na kinahanglan nga mag wage ug national liberation movement until such time nga na priso si Crisanto Evangelista, nikusog ang labor movement batok sa gobernong US. Nisud ang mga Hapon, kabalo man ta nga way interes ang US nga mudepensa sa Pilipinas mao to nga si McArthur niari siya nibiya pud so pinaagi sa PKP namugna sad ang grupong HUKBALAHAP nga nibatok laban sa mga Hapon. Usa pud ni siya ka nationalist movement. Nakita nato diri nga usa pud ni siya ka anti-fascist grupo kay grabe man ang fasismo sa panahon sa mga Hapon. So, naglunsad pud ni siya ug guerrilla nga pakig-gubat ug naka angkon nga dagko nga mga kadaugan ug nakamugna siya mga mga pang goberno sa ubang lalawigan nga na liberated from Japanese government. Pagbalik sa mga Amerikano dinhi sa Pilipinas nausab na pud ang orientation sa pakig gubat sa mga HUKBALAHAP. So, giusab pud nila ang ilang pangalan, HMB o Hukbong Mapagpalaya ng Bayan. Nilunsad ug mga anti imperialista nga pakig gubat against sa mga Amerikano. We know sa pag July 4, 1946 gi grant ang bogus independence base pa 129
ni Amado Guerrero kay dili man kuno kadto tiunay nga independence kay kadto siya gipangandaman na nga ang political machinery sa Pilipinas patterned and submissive sa US dictates. After that, ang PKP-HMB nipadayun until mga 1960s nikusug pud ang student movements ug adunay say mga student leaders nga nakaapil sa PKP ug didto gipangutana sila sa mga senior leaders and members sa PKP unsa para nila and dagan sa PKP ug didto daghan ang pagsaway ang gihimo ang mga junior members nga wa ganahi ang senior leaders ug niresulta sa pagka siak ug ang mga junior leaders eventually nipadagan ug usa ka rectification movement sa PKP. Ug formally by December 26, 1968, ang PKP mailhan na siya as CPP-MLM gidugang si Mao Tse-Tung. Mao nani siya ang re-established Communist Party of the Philippines diin gisaway na ang mga kasaypayan ni Taruc ug uban pa. So, nagpadayun na siya ug ang CPP-MLM sa pagkakaron nga yugto, ni wage gihapon ug liberation against US imperialism and the local forms of oppression and exploitation. So mao to siya ang dagan sa kasaysayan sa dagway sa nasyonalismo. Mao nga gi claim sa left movement nga ang rebolusyon karon is basically a resumption of the unfinished revolution of Bonifacio. Mao na ang ilahang ginakuptan nga pride. Jayford: Sige sir and next question sir is, are there any attempts by scholars to realize Filipino nationalism? Prof. Imbong: Para nako, naa. Duh aka ngalan ang akoang mahatag. Para nako, sila ang unang ni clarify sa concepts of nationalism. Mga historians ni sila, una si Renato Constantino diin gi recognize niya nga prior to 1950s, ang historiography sa Pilipinas kay colonial ang orientation. Naa siyay term nga gigamit ―colonial scholars‖. Si Renato Constantino niawhag siya sa pag rewrite sa history from the point of view of the masses para ma underline diha ang nationalist movement of the masses dili kasaysayan nga nga glorify lang sa mga individual heroes and individual events in history nga wala man gani pagtahi sa relasyon sa individual events of history sa nahitabo gyud nga kasaysayan. Ang iyang introduction sa iyang book kay towards the Filipino history gitino niya nationalistic ang dapat nga pagtudlo sa kasaysayan sa Pilipinas. Unya gi supplementan pud kini ni Teodoro Agoncillo, nga ang kalihukan sa mga Pilipino maoy primary nga gitan-aw dili kasaysayan nga naka base sa mga sinulat sa mga dating nag kolonisa sa Pilipinas sama sa Espanyol ug Amerikano. Pero dapat sad nato iapil diay si Rizal as a scholar. Dghan siyang sinulat nga nag emphasize sa nationalism sama sa Amoro Patrio diin nag awhag siya sa paghigugma sa kaugalingong nasud. Maapil pud nato diha si Amado Guerrero. Jayford: Difference between nationalism and patriotism, sir. Prof. Imbong: Ako mu-consider ko sa akong kaugalingon nationalist ug sukad pa nga estudyante ko, wala ko mag emphasize sa ako social involvement as patriotism but rather nationalism. Para nako, if muhisgot kag nationalism gud, mas forceful siya nga termino tungod kay embodiment siya sa pakigbisug sa mga Pilipino against foreign oppression and local exploitation. Ang patriotism is simplistic ra kaayo siya nga term paghigugma lang sa nasud nga igo ra murespeto sa bandila ug balaod. Apan ang nationalism mu question siya sa balaod tungod kay nakita niya nga ang maong mga balaora maoy hinungdan diin ang mga sovereignty for example ginatamakan na or gina trample na. Patriotic ang tawo ang muhigugma sa balaod like EDCA kay sakop kini sa balaod sa 130
Pilipinas apan ang nationalista mu question siya kay aware siya nga kini usa ka mekanismo sa imperyalismong US nga makasud gawas napud diri ang ilang mga tropa diri ug mas madungagan ilang presence dinhi sa Pilipinas. So, kana ang differentiation nato sa duha. Jayford: Next sir katong strands of nationalism. Prof. Imbong: Nakamention naman ko ani although wala kaayo koy research about strands of nationalism in the Philippines pero ma boil down nako sa duha sa kadtong national democratic nationalism ug liberal side. Ang national democratic movement gitino nila nga ang Philippines biktima sa US imperialism, local feudalism ug bureaucrat capitalism. Ang sa liberal nationalism they recognize the Philippines and they even recognize that we have genuine independence and in fact they also recognize that politics, economics and culture in the Philippines are very much of its own therefore independent ta. Ang sa national democratic nga side, no we do not have genuine independence so we have to wage national liberation movement. So, mao to siya ang duha ka strands of nationalism. So the question is, as aka sa duha na belong? Ang mu-celebrate sa June 12 or ang mu-martsa sa kadalanan kay ang June 12 dili pa gyud hingpit nga expression sa independence. Jayford: Is there such a leftist kind of nationalism? Prof. Imbong: I already clarified it earlier nga naay leftist jud nga kind of nationalism. Kadtong nag follow sa national democratic line of thought kay daghan man karon ang lines sama sa social democratic, liberal democratic. So, ang gi mean nako ani nga left is katong national democratic nga line identified nga grupo nga nag rekognisa nga ang tulo ka batakang problema sa Pilipinas are: US imperialism, feudalism, bureaucrat capitalism ug gi analisa nila ang katilingban as semi colonial and semi feudal. So ma trace nato ni sila sa history and they pride themselves as the ones who continued the unfinished revolution of Bonifacio. Earlier, ako gi tino ngano makaingon sila nga sila ang nag resume tungod kay naa may linya although naay panahon nga pino na kayo ang linya pero nagpadayun pa gihapon ang resistance sa liberation movement until eventually nilapad napud ni ug balik ug naay mga kasaypanan ug pagtul-id nga gimugna pero wala gyud maputol ang linya nila ni Bonifacio hangtud sa kining gitawag nato nga leftist Filipino nationalism. Jayford: In Amado Guerrero‘s book, does the statement that the Philippines is a semifeudal and semi colonial society helped conceive the Filipino concept of nationalism? Prof. Imbong: Yes and No. Yes because in a semi colonial and semi feudal setup, nimugna siya ug us aka kultura nga imperialist ug usa ka kultura nga colonial. Kita man sa atong culture kung giunsa ta pag raise nga mu worship ta and we glorify US because of the culture nga gimugna sa semi-feudal and semi-colonial setup, mas gipalabnaw niya sa mga taw ang konsepto sa nationalism gi recognize man nuon niya nga ang US is an ally pero tungod sa semi feudal and semi colonial setup, dunay pipila nga hinayhinay nga ni recognize nga ang US dili diay ally kundi maoy unang kaaway sa katawhang Pilipino. Muingon pud ko ug No, kay tungod mu motivate siya ug anti-colonial nga movement 131
which a movement that has already started a long ago. A movement that will assert Filipino sovereignty against US imperialism. Jayford: The possible challenges sir encountered by Filipino nationalism today. Prof. Imbong: Daghan gyud ni siya. Una, ang problema sa kultura tungod kay ang kultura nato maka-US or colonial culture. Kini nga kultura maoy ginapreserve pinaagi sa colonial education, colonial media, colonial scholarship. So, tungod niini lisud apan challenging ang national liberation movement mao gani si Jose. Ma. Sision nanawagan sa kabatanunan nga mulusad ug second propaganda movement. Silang Rizal nakalusad sila ug propaganda movement so ang mga kabatan-unan karon angay sab mulusad ug propaganda movement diin sama sa ilang Rizal ipakita nila ang kulturang bulok, ang kulturang maka-US ug iintroduce ang bag-ong klase nga kultura nga can be summarized into three concepts: A culture that is scientific. A culture that is nationalist. And a culture that is mass oriented – makamasa nga kultura. Jayford: How can a strong sense of nationalism shared by Filipinos affect our society today? Prof. Imbong: Ang atong estado karon grabe ka divided. Daghan kaayong conflict nahitabo. Dili ta magkahiusa sama sa hisgutanan sa pagtratar sa China nga nag angkon ug daghang teritoryo nga parte sa atoa. Pinaagi sa usa ka nationalism nga ma share sa mga Pilipino, ang atong mga aspirations mausa dili mag bulag-bulag kay lisud man kayo kung amanglahi atong desisyon nga dili nato matino nga kinsa ang primary nga kaaway ug kinsay secondary sama kang Mao nga concept. Balik sa akong example, kining maong conflict (against China) dili pani mao ang nanguna nga conflict kay pwede mani siya maresolba sa diplomatic nga means. Si Sison ni mention nga pwede nato ni isang-at sa international nga korte ato sangpiton ang UNCLOS. Then, dili paman gyud necessary nga hostile ang atong approach sa China. Ug maklaro pud nato ngari kung unsay role sa US sa pag intervene niya sa conflict nato sa China kay mismo si Obama ni recognize nga naa silay economic alliance with China so lisud kayo sa kind nga culture karon, gihatagan ta ug pagtuo nga ang America andam mu depensa sa Pilipinas kung naay antagonistic nga panagbangi tali sa China ug Pilipinas. Balik ko sa point nako, importante kaayo ang shared nga nationalist orientation para ang atong interpretation and analysis and decisions and strategies magkahiusa sad dili managlahi. Jayford: Is Filipino nationalism affected by language barrier and cultural diversity and our physical situation as an archipelago? Prof. Imbong: Yes maapektohan siya pero it is not a hindrance. To the point nga through barriers (language and geographic) seemingly unity is difficult. However, if tun-an pagayo ang kini nga kahimtang we could think of better strategies on how to overcome these weaknesses. For example, kung atoang I focus ang national democratic movement, they have been waging revolution for 45 years. Ngano dugay? Tungod ba na sa geographic conditions? Mutubag sila ana nga dili kay walay kalisdanan kana. Although gi specify na ni Amado Guerrero nga specific character na ang pagka archipelagic nato ug mahimo kini nga palambuon ug himuong kusug or strength nato. Tungod sa archipelagic situation 132
nato, the enemy dispersed kaayo siya to different island. Despite that, ang national democratic movement nilungtad siya despite sa barriers. The point is we must learn to overcome these barriers or weaknesses and study for better strategies nga dili ta malimitahan sa challenges sa language ug geographic barriers. Chad: Next question, sir. What are the sources of nationalism? Prof. Imbong: Base on conditions on how we came up to our nationalism, balik ko sa historical materialism ni Marx, consciousness is influenced by matter and not matter by consciousness. Granting that nationalism is an ideology which is a part of the superstructure, ang source niya is the material. So if we talk about material conditions, economic jud na siya. The ownership and the relationship of the means of production, kinsa raman ang nabulahan sa kasamtangang nga relasyon sa produksyon ug kaning mga objective nga exploitation nga inherent sa kasamtangan nga means of production. Tungod niini, mumugna na siya ug us aka nationalist consciousness nga kung I-contextualize nato sa atong current situation nakamugna siya ug anti-imperialist consciousness which is really nationalist. Apan dili siya ultra-nationalist kay man jud siya nationalism ang endpoint niya kundili internationalism, which is aboilition of exploitation in a worldwide scale. Jayford: Does nationalist feelings arise from the existing of common language, customs? Prof. Imbong: Seguro kining common language ug customs dili kaayo ni siya essential para maka generate tag nationalistic feelings. Makita man nato sa kasaysayan ug sa kasamatangang kahimtang naa man gihapon nasyonalismo bisan nagkalahilahi atong lingwahe. Gani tungod sa pagka lahilahi sa atong customs, nagamit nato ni siya tungod kay matahi man nato ang nagkalahi-lahing dagway sa US imperialism sa Pilipinas. Because we are coming from diverse cultures, exploitation is also coming from diverse forms. Sa nationalism, gitahi siya kay gi analyze ang different forms of exploitation ug naay unifying thread ug na raise ni siya sa topic nga anti-imperialism. Ang kining anticolonial consciousness muingon ko nga essential ni siya nga maka generate siya ug nationalistic feelings. Jayford: Next sir is how nationalism can be affected by globalization and ASEAN integration in 2015? Prof. Imbong: Specific lang ko sa education. Part sa usa ka article nga ako nabasa nga gisuwat ni Isagani Cruz, gitino niya pag argue nga ang Pilipinas nag-apas sa duha ka dagko nga integrations. First is karong 2015 ASEAN integration ug inig 2020 naa pud tay lain nga giapas nga integration but nalimot lang ko sa name kung unsa to siya. Part ani nga integration is ang pagstandardize sa education. So, dapat nga ang basic education naa siyay 11 years nga cycle. Ang pagdugang ug 1 year or 2 years nga ni first arouse ni siya niadtong 2008 nga ari sa college nalang idungag. Apan nakita nila nga if sa college idungag, me delayed nasad sila kay 2008 gud to. So if sa college pa nila idungag so gikan sa mga nag first atong mga panahona 2008 so 4 years plus 4 years pud nga college so 8 years na tanan one year delayed na siya. So, nakita nila nga dapat idungag nila dili sa college kay kung sa college nato idungag late na atoang estudyante. Dili na makaabot sa 133
ASEAN integration so nakita nila nga anha ibutang sa basic education ang pagdungag ug 2 years. So, unsay epekto ani? Dako kaayo. Una sa tanan kung hisgotan ang curriculum dapat standardized siya, tungod sa reform sa basic education naka apekto pud ni sa amo sa higher education. Sama niini ang pagwagtang sa Filipino language. Ang Filipino language nga atong gikonsidera nga national language usa siya ka aspect nga maka unify sa katawhan. Gahatag pud ni siya ug identity sa katawhan. Sa pagwagtang niini, sa us aka aspeto sa atong identity, murag giwagtang sad sa curriculum ang pag-gamit sa Filipino language sa pagtudlo sa Filipino. Usa pud although sa UP rani siya, ang pag relegate sa Rizal course as a general education course. Ubang schools is general education man jud na ang Rizal pero sa UP major jud na siya PI 100 or PI 101 gihatagan ni siya ug importance kay diri man nato matun-an ang mga teachings ni Rizal. Tungod sa ASEAN integration himuon nalang siyang general education course. Dili an siya major nga tun-an gyud sa estudyante. So, mao na siya sa side sa education. Maka ask pud ta unsang klase nga estudyante ang mamugna sa K+12 nga sistema sa edukasyon? Pulong pa ni Armin Luistro, let us make highschool as the terminal point of education. Meaning, terminal last na siya. Dili na necessary nga mag college pa. By declaring that gi establish nila nga ang highschool is already enough for someone to be employed mao na ilang argument. Ang question niini unsa man diay nga klaseng estudyante ang ato iproduce sa atong educational system? Dili pag degrade sa technical vocational courses, but kini nga courses prone to exploitation gyud ni sila kay wala gud ni degree ug walay gihatag nga assurance nato ang gobyerno ngaa if senior graduate ka considered as college graduate naka pero wala man siya mu consider ana ug wala siya mu consider nga degree holder ka which means to say ang atong products (from educational system) are just a reservoir of cheap labor kay barato nga mabayaran ni sila kay wala man silay degree. So ma exploit sila ug maayo ug kung ato ni siya I connect sa ASEAN integration, movement of labor mas madali kuno makapadala ta sa laing nasud, mao gihapon ang orientation sa k+12 is labor export policy. Padayun nga pag export sa atong labor sa pagtubag sa panginahanglanon sa mga langyaw nga nasud. Dili pud ni siya edukasyon nga magtubag sa objective needs sa Pilipinas. Dako siya ug epekto ang ASEAN integration or globalization in general sa Pilipinas. Dugay naman ni ang globalization nahitabo kining gitawag nato nga liberalization or neo-liberalism diin open borders, wala nay barriers and restrictions sa flow sa capital or sa flow sa goods and services sa laing countries. So, kining ASEAN integration magdungag pa gyud ni siya sa dugay na nga pagtamak sa atong nationalism diri sa Pilipinas. Jayford: Is a lack of nationalism among our politicians are behind the issues of graft and corruption, etc. Prof. Imbong: oo muingon ko nga naay pagkulang sa atong mga burokrata or mga politico kay taphaw ang ilang pagsabot sa nationalism para lang maka himog balaod, projects. Ang pangutana para kang kinsang balaoda or projects? So, wala ma consider if kining mga butanga long term ba ang mahatag niini para sa Pilipinas. Or kining balaoda gamiton lang sad mismo nila para maka further enrich themselves. Gihinganlan ni ni Guerrero bureaucrat capitalism kanang using the bureaucracy as a form of business. Jayford: Sir, how is nationalism must be manifested today? 134
Prof. Imbong: Daghan nga nagkalain lain nga manifestasyon. Sama niana ang mga simplistic nga mga pamaagi sama sa mga bata sa elementary nga gitudloan ug Lupang Hinirang nga mu stand straight, mubutang sa ilang kamot sa dughan – a form of nationalism naman na matud pa sa liberal burgeosie orientation. Apan mas naa pay mga tag-as nga porma nga manipestasyon sa nationalism. Kasagaran niini expressed militantly. Ang mu express ani mao ang mga militante nga mga indibidwal diin ang ilang orientation sa nationalism is national democratic. Example, ang pagsulong sa mga league of Filipino students sa US embassy ug didto gi deface nila ang seal sa US embassy. Sa tawo nga gikan sa liberal nga orientation miingon sila nga barbaric or vandalism, samoksamok ug daghan pa siya ug description ani apan kung ato tanawn gyud ang substance ini nga demonstration, nagpakita kini sa pagrehistro sa kalagot ug kapungot sa mga kabatanonan sa dugay na nga pagtamak sa imperyalismong US sa atong soberanya pero tungod sa iyang kagamhanan, iya lang gipaagi ang iyang pagsupak pinaagi sa pagdaot sa selyo niya sa embahada sa Manila. Duh aka examples ako gihatag pero essentially ang punto niya naay nationalism nga soft ug naa poy hardline sama adtong militant way of expressing nationalism. Chad: Last sir, how can we further develop our sense of nationalism? Prof. Imbong: From a teacher‘s perspective, dapat nga naa gyuy changes sa curriculum no. For example, pag dugang sa courses sa social sciences nga dugang mupasabot sa nationalism. Ikaduha, ang pagreview sa mga libro nga nikuyanap karon sa academe. History nga libro sa akoa lang opinion, gisulat lang para maka ginansya ang author. Ato tanawn, author siya history book author pud siya sa logic nga book, author pud siya sa polsci nga book, dapat ato questionon nga if magsuwat siyag history, specialization ba gyud na niya or unsa iyang orientation. Dapat tinuon kini sa mga hingtundan nga agency sama sa CHED kay daghan man mga teachers nga naggamit aning mga libroha kay sayun sabton dili pud makadala ug hasol sa ilaha. Kay kung adto pud ka sa mga hardcore nga libro sama nila ni Constantino, lisud sad kaayo sabton apan essential kaayo ang ila mga arguments. Mao na usahay taphaw pud ang estudyante tungod kay ang mga libro nga gigamit taphaw pd kaayo sa tanan. Mga libro nga wala ta kahibalo unsay rason nila ngano gasuwat sila atong mga libroha. Lastly, mapakusug nato atong nationalism pinaagi sa pag-gamit nato sa termino sa mga aktibista, nga pag arouse, organize ug mobilize. Pag arouse kay pukawon ang masa, kaestudyantihan. Sa pagpukaw nila ipasabot ang sitwasyon sa atong katilingban sa atong Pilipinas ug soberanya. Ato sila nga organisahon aron dili kita mabiktima sa stratehiya sa kaaway nga mu divide and conquer. Labaw sa tanan atong i-mobilize ang masses for an anti-imperialist mass movement. Dinhi lamang nato mapaseguro nga ang atong nasyonalismo genuine ug tinuod nga nagdepensa ug nagalagas sa interes sa Pilipinas. Jayford: Pwede ka mu give namo ug suggested readings sir ba for the study of nationalism? Works of scholars nga magamit namo sir. Prof. Imbong: Naa naman moy PSR diri inyo naman gi mention diri diba? Jayford: Yes sir. 135
Prof. Imbong: Kuan, Struggle for Nationalism and Democracy by Jose Ma. Sison. 175 pesos rana siya nag order pud ko ana sa Institute for Nationalist Studies. I-email ninyo sila kay naa pud sila mga suggestions about ana. Pwede pud ninyo tunan ang argument ni Sonny Africa ang executive director sa IBON Foundation ang iyang concepts sa nationalist economics. Jayford: Ang work ni Constantino sir? Prof. Imbong: Ang work ni Constantino kanang The Philippines: A past revisited. History gyud ni siya hinuon dili nationalism ang iya gina tackle apan klaro unsang klase nga nationalism iyaha dili exquisite nga nationalism ang iyang punto but implicit sa usa ka work nga mass oriented nga nationalism. Also, Epifanio San Juan, Jr. daghan kaayo na siyag libro ug sources for nationalism. Pwede via Rizal, naa siyay Rixal in our time ug nindot ang iyang concept ni Rizal. Didto nausab pud ang akong orientation kay kung hardcore left ka, awayon si Rizal pero didto gi argue niya nga dili gyud dapat buy-an si Rizal kay kung gigamit siya sa US, pwede pud nato siya gamiton. Daghan pud gyud ug progressive works si Rizal nga wala gyud ma publish or if na publish man gani wala gyud mahatagi ug interpretasyon nga makatabang sa kalihukan sa nationalism. Ang iyang point didto, gamiton nato both si Rizal and Bonifacio para ma strengthen nato ang atong nationalist movement. Daghan pa na siya, naa pud na siya‘y Only By Struggle nakapalit ko sa Filipiniana section sa Book Sale 40 pesos. Ang nindot sa Filipiniana kay usa ra ila section dili naka matagbaw ug ukay. Jayford: Booksale sa SM sir? Prof Imbong: Sa Parkmall nga booksale ko. Kana si San Juan daghan na siyag inputs. Jayford: Buhi pa na siya, sir? Prof Imbong: Oo buhi pana gikan siya sa UP Diliman nya nag nag-Harvard. Literature jud na siya literally ang iya approach. Kana sila. Jayford: Thank you kaayo sa imo time sir ha sa pag accommodate namo. Prof Imbong: Thank you sad. So, una nalang ko ninyo ha? Chad: Sige sir thank you kaayo sir. END Interviewers: Chad Michaell G. Delima AB POSC – PTS 4
Jayford O. Powao AB POSC – PTS 4
Respondent: Prof. Regletto Imbong UP Cebu, History and Political Science Department
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APPENDIX G Prior Informed Consent Form
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APPENDIX H Curriculum Vitae
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CHAD MICHAELL G. DELIMA 079 Osmeña St., Toledo City, Cebu 6038
[email protected] 09153884215 / 2394818
PERSONAL DATA Date of Birth: June 14, 1988 Place of Birth: Toledo City Civil Status: Single Height: 5‘3‖ Weight: 135 lbs. Religion: Seventh-day Adventist Languages: English, Filipino, Cebuano Skills: Computer Literate, Driving, Practical and Defensive Shooting
EDUCATIONAL BACKGROUND Tertiary:
University of San Carlos P. Del Rosario St., Cebu City Bachelor of Arts in Political Science Major in Political Theory and
Systems 2011-present Vocational:
Interface Computer College Jones Avenue, Cebu City 2-year Computer Technician Course 2006-2008
High School: East Visayan Academy Bulacao, Talisay City, Cebu 2000-2004 Elementary:
South City Central School Luray 1, Toledo City 1993-2000
ACHIEVEMENTS AND RECOGNITIONS Career Service Sub-professional Eligibility Civil Service Commission Cebu City 141
November 15, 2009 Gold Medal Recipient on Academics 1st Year, Interface Computer College Cebu City April 4, 2007 Commendation as Anti-Crime Volunteer Toledo City Police Station Toledo City June 14, 2010 Certified Computer Aided Designs and Drafting Level 1 and 2 Operator Microcadd Technologies Co., Inc. Dec. 14, 2008 Champion - .45 Standard Category Mayor‘s Cup Shooting Competition April 2012, Toledo City
AFFILIATIONS Member, Carolinian Political Science Society University of San Carlos Cebu City Member, Toledo Pistol Shooters Association, Inc. Sam-ang, Toledo City Board Member and Co-Founder, King Arth‘s Shooting Range Talavera, Toledo City
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JAYFORD O. POWAO Bacsije, Ocana, Carcar City, Cebu
[email protected] 09438335543/487-7115
PERSONAL DATA Date of Birth: May 25, 1995 Place of Birth: Carcar City Civil Status: Single Height: 5‘6‖ Weight: 120 lbs. Religion: Roman Catholic Languages: English, Filipino, Cebuano Skills: Computer Literate, Cooking,
EDUCATIONAL BACKGROUND Tertiary:
University of San Carlos P. Del Rosario St., Cebu City Bachelor of Arts in Political Science Major in Political Theory and
Systems 2011-present High School: Saint Catherine‘s College Carcar City, Cebu 2007-2011 Elementary:
Saint Catherine‘s College Carcar City, Cebu 2001-2007
AFFILIATIONS Member, Carolinian Political Science Society University of San Carlos Cebu City Member, Coalition of Democrats University of San Carlos Cebu City
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